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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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The Ju/’hoan in Namibia 117<br />

inhabited predominately by tribal peoples like the<br />

Ju/’hoan who practice “communal” rather than<br />

private ownership. The Nyae Nyae area extends<br />

through what is currently known as the Tsumkwe<br />

District of the eastern Otjozondjupa Region.<br />

Throughout the changing administrative structures<br />

of the past two decades, an authority of<br />

central government responsible for wildlife management<br />

has been based in Tsumkwe, <strong>and</strong> MET<br />

maintains a significant presence <strong>and</strong> some decision-making<br />

authority there today.<br />

Traditionally the Ju/’hoan are organized as b<strong>and</strong>s<br />

of individuals centered on <strong>and</strong> supported by the<br />

resources of a n!ore (singular form of n!oresi).<br />

During the 1980s some Ju/’hoan began a “back<br />

to the l<strong>and</strong>” movement, leaving Tsumkwe to<br />

return to their n!oresi to reestablish occupancy<br />

rights. Today there are about 32 decentralized<br />

communities in Nyae Nyae, each with a water<br />

source (usually a well with a windmill), corrals<br />

for protecting small herds of cattle, <strong>and</strong> small<br />

agricultural fields/gardens. The communities<br />

range in size from a dozen to 150 people.<br />

An extended family group is headed by a n!ore<br />

kxao (plural—kxaosi), or “steward of shared<br />

resources” that include water, small game, <strong>and</strong><br />

wild foods. Group members select the n!ore<br />

kxao, either a man or a woman, from among<br />

their elders. The Ju/’hoan see some resources as<br />

“common” beyond family, in which case two or<br />

more n!oresi kxaosi jointly undertake decision<br />

making (see figure 7.1). All game <strong>and</strong> natural<br />

water points are deemed common property, as are<br />

some wild foods, including mangetti nuts, marula<br />

nuts, <strong>and</strong> morama beans (=Oma <strong>and</strong> /Aice 1996).<br />

N!ore kxaosi have been known to jointly agree to<br />

a moratorium on certain species within their<br />

hunting grounds to avoid depletion.<br />

The Ju/’hoan culture of equality <strong>and</strong> tolerance<br />

has always favored decision making by consensus<br />

rather than by individual leaders. When such<br />

leaders do arise, their authority stems from how<br />

well they uphold the values of the society.<br />

Leadership is based on experience <strong>and</strong> wisdom,<br />

<strong>and</strong> leaders are generally older community members.<br />

Historically, men <strong>and</strong> women have had<br />

equal stature since gathering tasks were as critical<br />

as hunting was to group survival. As the<br />

Ju/’hoan became more integrated into the larger<br />

economy with the introduction of cattle <strong>and</strong> agricultural<br />

crops, women have lost some prestige<br />

<strong>and</strong> their social position has changed.<br />

The traditional egalitarianism <strong>and</strong> tolerance<br />

inherent in Ju/’hoan values tends to prevent a<br />

concentration of power. As in many other<br />

hunter-gatherer societies, there is a lack of hierarchical<br />

structure for decision making. Even the<br />

idea of representation—one person speaking for<br />

another—is unfamiliar, though less so among<br />

younger, more educated members of the community.<br />

As one person stated, “Each of us is a headman<br />

over himself” (Lee 1993). This makes it<br />

difficult for the Ju/’hoan to exercise their rights<br />

within the governmental framework of the country.<br />

The Traditional Authorities Act of 1996 provides<br />

for one “traditional leader” <strong>and</strong> one to three<br />

councilors, based on population, to represent a<br />

community at the central government level. The<br />

Ju/’hoan have no single individual to represent<br />

them in this way.<br />

A key feature of the past 15 years has been the<br />

slow emergence of legitimate <strong>and</strong> effective<br />

organizational structures among the Ju/’hoan to<br />

deal with the outside world (see figure 7.2).<br />

The Ju/Wa Farmers Union was started in 1986<br />

as the back-to-the-l<strong>and</strong> movement gathered<br />

steam. By late 1988, with the number of<br />

n!oresi increasing rapidly <strong>and</strong> with a growing<br />

need to facilitate applications for legal recognition<br />

in the soon-to-be-independent Namibia,<br />

awareness grew that the organization needed to<br />

formalize <strong>and</strong> institutionalize its structure <strong>and</strong><br />

leadership. The union drafted a set of statutes<br />

to establish a representative organization governed<br />

by a council. Each n!ore would choose a<br />

male <strong>and</strong> a female representative to sit on the<br />

Representative Council, which would select<br />

individuals to communicate with outsiders <strong>and</strong><br />

would meet at least every six months to provide<br />

feedback to <strong>and</strong> from the community.<br />

The Ju/Wa Farmers Union further tightened its<br />

structure <strong>and</strong> became the NNFC in 1990 when a<br />

development program took shape with funding<br />

from international donors <strong>and</strong> support from a<br />

Namibian nongovernmental organization (NGO).<br />

Members of the NNFC Representative Council<br />

elected a chairperson, a secretary, <strong>and</strong> one representative<br />

from each of the three districts of Nyae<br />

Nyae to form a management committee <strong>and</strong><br />

supervise day-to-day program services. Megan

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