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Caspian Report - Issue 06 - Winter 2014

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nia. 8 By using the concept of territorial<br />

definition as Western Armenia in the<br />

text of the declaration, the newly created<br />

state also expressed its territorial<br />

claims against Turkey.<br />

The Western Armenia described in<br />

the declaration indicates territory<br />

that is part of modern Turkey. The<br />

conflicting opinions regarding the<br />

evaluation of the 1915 events, and the<br />

possible responsibility to be borne<br />

by Turkey, prevented the formation<br />

of diplomatic relations. 9 It is worth<br />

noting that despite the absence of<br />

diplomatic relations, the border between<br />

the two countries was opened<br />

and Turkey even dispatched food aid<br />

and contributed to the delivery of<br />

Western humanitarian assistance to<br />

Armenia through its territory. 10 The<br />

Turkish border was closed later, due<br />

to another important factor that also<br />

limited the relationship between Turkey<br />

and Armenia: the Armenian-Azerbaijani<br />

Nagorno-Karabakh conflict,<br />

which originated during the time of<br />

the USSR. In this conflict, Turkey has<br />

demonstrated solidarity with Azerbaijan,<br />

whose territory is occupied by Armenia.<br />

This solidarity was manifested<br />

when Turkey closed its border with<br />

Armenia after it occupied Kelbajar<br />

district (near Nagorno-Karabakh) in<br />

April 1993. After the adoption of UN<br />

Security Council Resolution 822 on<br />

April 30 1993, which demanded the<br />

immediate withdrawal of Armenia’s<br />

occupying forces from Kelbajar and<br />

other recently occupied areas of Azerbaijan<br />

11 , Turkey joined Azerbaijan in<br />

imposing an economic embargo on<br />

Armenia and the border between the<br />

two states was closed.<br />

WITH THE ADOPTION OF A NEW FOREIGN POLICY, TURKEY<br />

STARTED UNILATERALLY TO LOOK FOR WAYS TO RESOLVE<br />

PROBLEMS WITH ARMENIA AND TAKE CONFIDENCE-<br />

BUILDING MEASURES.<br />

The absence of bilateral relations<br />

continued until 2008. Then, with the<br />

change of foreign policy, Turkey also<br />

intended to look for ways to form<br />

relations with Armenia. In its turn,<br />

Armenia, which faces economic difficulties,<br />

also hoped to start a process<br />

that would lead to the establishment<br />

of the diplomatic relations and opening<br />

the border without any preconditions.<br />

Such an opportunity came by<br />

chance, and was immediately acted<br />

upon. Both countries’ national football<br />

teams were in the same group of<br />

the European zone of qualification for<br />

the 2010 FIFA World Cup competition.<br />

This circumstance marked the beginning<br />

of a rapprochement between<br />

the states; the process later became<br />

known as “football diplomacy”. This<br />

process started with an invitation by<br />

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan to<br />

his Turkish counterpart Abdullah Gul<br />

to attend the first match between the<br />

two national teams, held on Septem-<br />

89<br />

CASPIAN REPORT, WINTER <strong>2014</strong><br />

8<br />

. Armenian Declaration of Independence, http://www.gov.am/en/independence/.<br />

9<br />

. Svante E. Cornell, Turkish-Armenian Relations: Wrong Priority, Wrong Approach, HASEN, p., 109, http://<br />

www.academia.edu/4876695/Turkish-Armenian_Relations_Wrong_Priority_Wrong_Approach<br />

10<br />

. Kemal Kirisci, New Patterns of Turkish Foreign Policy Behavior, edu. Cigdem Balim et al, Turkey: Political,<br />

Social and Economic Changes in the 1990s, Leiden, 1995, p. 18.<br />

11<br />

. Resolution 822 (1993) Adopted by the Security Council at its 3205th meeting, 30.04.1993, http://www.<br />

refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmaindocid=3b00f15764.

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