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JOURNAL OF ARABIC AND ISLAMIC STUDIES

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138<br />

Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 11 (2011)<br />

Introduction<br />

During the past few decades, Western studies of Islamic origins made a<br />

considerable advance in assessing the sources that have for a long time<br />

been considered a repository of exegetic, legal and historical material<br />

about the first centuries after the Hijra (AH). Growing skepticism towards<br />

Islamic foundation narratives and the traditional accounts of Islamic<br />

history undermined the notion that, unlike other religions, Islam “was<br />

born in the full light of history” and “its roots are on the surface”. 2 The<br />

study of the first centuries of Islam became the focus of clashing<br />

methodologies that often yielded conflicting accounts on how, when and<br />

where Islam emerged on the historical scene. With skepticism cast over<br />

every aspect of early Islamic history as constructed by the traditional<br />

sources, the implications of the methodological debate during the past<br />

few decades have been predominantly negative. An important<br />

consequence of this debate has been the realization that a sound<br />

methodology for dating early Muslim traditions is needed.<br />

In the course of the methodological debate, Western Islamicists<br />

expressed varying opinions about the epistemological value of the formal<br />

lines of narrative transmission, known as isnāds, which, according to the<br />

traditional Muslim view, control the authenticity of the information<br />

included in the substantive part of the tradition, known as matn. At one<br />

pole of the spectrum stand the scholars who dismiss the isnāds as<br />

fictitious authentication devices that do not carry tenable information<br />

about the origin and the ways of transmission of the matns, especially<br />

when they purport to link these matns to authorities from the first<br />

century AH. 3 Instead of the isnāds, these scholars prefer to study the<br />

2 Ernest Renan, “Muhammad and the Origins of Islam,” in The Quest for the<br />

Historical Muhammad, edited and translated by Ibn Warraq (New York:<br />

Prometheus Books, 2000), 128–9.<br />

3 The origin of this view goes back to J. Schacht’s division of the isnād into a<br />

“higher, fictitious part” that reaches back from the original promoter (N. N. or the<br />

Common Link in Schacht’s terminology) to a Companion or the Prophet; and a<br />

lower, presumably authentic, part, which extends from N. N. to the later collectors<br />

(Joseph Schacht, The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence [Oxford: Clarendon<br />

Press, 1950], 171 ff). In terms of chronology, this means that “the evidence of legal<br />

traditions carries us back to about the year 100 AH only” (ibid., 5). N. J. Coulson<br />

tried to mitigate the implications of this conclusion by stating that there is no direct<br />

relationship between the authenticity of the isnād and the historicity of the tradition<br />

attached to it. While admitting that in their great majority the isnāds are fictitious,<br />

Coulson argues that “where …the rule fits naturally into the circumstances of the<br />

Prophet’s community at Medina, then it should be tentatively accepted as authentic

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