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JOURNAL OF ARABIC AND ISLAMIC STUDIES

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JAIS<br />

ONLINE<br />

Pavel Pavlovitch<br />

first to mention briefly that al-Qaṭṭān was knowledgeable in the<br />

traditions of Ibn Abī ʿArūba. 102<br />

Given that al-Qaṭṭān spent twenty years together with Shuʿba, it is<br />

reasonable to expect that he was acquainted with Shuʿba’s version of the<br />

ʿUbāda tradition. Therefore, one may think that al-Qaṭṭān chose to<br />

disregard Shuʿba’s tradition in favor of another version that may have<br />

been preferable by al-Qaṭṭān’s standards. The version of Hushaym b.<br />

Bashīr, it will be recalled, improves Shuʿba’s tradition by specifying the<br />

number of lashes and setting the exact period of banishment. Therefore it<br />

is not gratuitous to conclude that Hushaym b. Bashīr’s tradition served<br />

al-Qaṭṭān as a base for his version which he fitted out with a new isnād<br />

involving Saʿīd b. Abī ʿArūba. 103<br />

185<br />

In addition to Saʿīd b. Abī ʿArūba, Diagram 3 (p. 184) shows another<br />

key figure, Yūnus b. ʿUbayd (d. 139/756–7). He is cited by al-Shāfiʿī<br />

and al-Nasāʾī. Al-Shāfiʿī’s isnād through ʿAbd al-Wahhāb b. ʿAṭāʾ <br />

Yūnus b. ʿUbayd carries a matn that is characterized by the already<br />

observed use of taghrīb u ʿām in . 104 Additionally, al-Shāfiʿī chooses to<br />

support the first isnād with a second one, said to carry the same matn.<br />

Note, however, al-Shāfiʿī’s reference to an anonymous “trustworthy<br />

[authority] among the people of knowledge” (al-thiqat u min ahl i l-ʿilm),<br />

which speaks much to the detriment of his collective isnād. Unlike al-<br />

Shāfiʿī, al-Nasāʾī cites a tradition that avoids the taghrīb in favor of the<br />

wider-accepted nafy. 105 Another point of departure from al-Shāfiʿī is al-<br />

Nasāʾī’s preference for a single Khudhū ʿan-nī! instead of the dual<br />

exclamation found in the matn of al-Shāfiʿī. Finally, al-Shāfiʿī inverts<br />

the order of the ultimate and the penultimate clauses in the matn.<br />

Although none of these changes on its own signals tampering with the<br />

tradition, taken on aggregate they suggest that al-Shāfiʿī and al-Nasāʾī<br />

derived their respective traditions from dissimilar sources. An alternative<br />

interpretation would be that while the traditions belong to a single source<br />

(viz. Yūnus b. ʿUbayd), the differences arose from an unstable oral<br />

102 Ibn Ḥanbal, Kitāb al-ʿIlal wa-Maʿrifat al-Rijāl, ed. Waṣī Allāh b.<br />

Muḥammad ʿAbbās, 4 vols. (2nd ed., Riyadh: Dār al-Khānī, 1422/2001), 1:338, no.<br />

2494; 1:335, no. 2571.<br />

103 Although Hushaym is from Wāsiṭ, he was reportedly active in Baṣra,<br />

Baghdād and Kūfa (al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-Kamāl, 30:279–80). Al-Qaṭṭān must have<br />

been well acquainted with Hushaym’s traditions, as he had a positive opinion about<br />

Hushaym’s transmission from Ḥuṣayn b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (ibid., 30:281).<br />

104 Al-Shāfiʿī, Risāla, 129, no. 378.<br />

105 Al-Nasāʾī, Sunan, 6:405, no. 7104.

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