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JOURNAL OF ARABIC AND ISLAMIC STUDIES

JOURNAL OF ARABIC AND ISLAMIC STUDIES

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188<br />

Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 11 (2011)<br />

penalty for adultery. This redaction apparently sought to bring<br />

syntactical uniformity to the penal clauses of the tradition. As a result of<br />

Hushaym’s redaction of Shuʿba’s original tradition, clauses 3a and 3b<br />

had come to rely on three longer locutions (nafy u sanat in on one occasion<br />

and jald u miʾat in on two occasions) followed by a single word (al-rajm).<br />

Al-Qaṭṭān substituted the compound locution ramy un bi-l-ḥijāra for alrajm.<br />

Thus, he sacrificed the terminological expression in order to meet<br />

the recipient’s expectation of a compound concluding clause. Unlike al-<br />

Qaṭṭān, Wakīʿ preferred to restore Hushaym’s wording, but at the same<br />

time chose to rely on an alternative isnād circumventing the two earliest<br />

authorities in Hushaym’s transmission line.<br />

Notwithstanding the interventions that al-Qaṭṭān and Wakīʿ<br />

undertook, the base legal requirements in ʿUbāda tradition had acquired<br />

their final shape already in the second quarter of the second century AH.<br />

The penal part of the matn insisted on a dual penalty for adultery and<br />

fornication. The introductory exclamation by the Prophet clearly referred<br />

to Qurʾān 4:15 the ordinance of which the tradition sought to emendate.<br />

Although such an intertextual relationship signals the tradition’s<br />

dependence on scripture, none of the variants that we considered so far<br />

portrays the prophetic dictum as a divinely revealed ordinance.<br />

At this point, one faces the question about the existence of an even<br />

earlier disseminator of the ʿUbāda tradition as suggested in Juynboll’s<br />

analysis. To check this hypothesis, I have compiled a combined diagram<br />

of the hitherto revealed (P)CLs in the ʿUbāda non-revelation cluster<br />

(Diagram 4, p. 190). The isnād chart shows two (P)CLs, Shuʿba b. al-<br />

Ḥajjāj and Yaḥyā b. Saʿīd al-Qaṭṭān, converging on Qatāda b. Diʿāma as<br />

their common informant. Thus, by the evidence of the isnāds Qatāda<br />

looks as an older (P)CL who may have received the tradition from al-<br />

Ḥasan al-Baṣrī. This hypothesis finds additional support in the isnād of<br />

yet another (P)CL, Hushaym b. Bashīr who draws his line of<br />

transmission via al-Ḥasan. Wakīʿ’s irregular isnād is of little<br />

corroborative force on its own, but if taken in conjunction with the<br />

existence of an attested PCL (Qatāda b. Diʿāma), it may be cautiously<br />

interpreted as bespeaking al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī’s contribution to the<br />

circulation of the ʿUbāda non-revelation tradition. Inevitably, this would<br />

push the tradition’s history back to the second half of the first century<br />

AH.<br />

The above optimistic scenario, however, must be tempered with<br />

important qualifications. While Shuʿba b. al-Ḥajjāj may be assumed to<br />

have faithfully named Qatāda b. Diʿāma as his direct informant, Yaḥyā<br />

b. Saʿīd al-Qaṭṭān does not quote Qatāda directly, but through the agency

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