Chapter VIIAnother framework for understanding the supply chain effects of corporate retailers is developed byscholars of industrial clusters at the Institute of <strong>Development</strong> Studies (IDS), Sussex. Schmitz and Humphrey(2000; 2001) have argued that as small clustered firms are linked to global supply chains, they orientthemselves increasingly towards their front-end buyers and are decreasingly engaged in horizontal tieswith competitors and related firms around them. With vertical linkages, the scope grows for incomeenhancement(also confirmed by the IFPRI study, pg 21) through upgrading of process and product,but such linkages are also associated with a decline in the scope for horizontal collaboration, to addressshared problems of inputs, market, pollution treatment, for example.Scholars of industrial clusters tend to steer clear of discussion on economic endowments and bargainingpower, in other words, the structural position from which a person comes to the market, as a seller orbuyer, and the terms of trade this sets up (White 1993). 7 Neither do cluster studies explain “how socialmilieus differentially shape economic action, to reinforce the power of certain social identities and thestability of specific practices” (Chari 2004, 24). The economic milieus which supply corporate retailersare ‘socially regulated’ (Harriss-White 2003) by caste, gender and the cumulative endowments of a particularplace. Our framework must understand the gamut of effects, both those which erode and thosewhich reinforce, conventional roles and identities.Finally, we turn briefly to global experience of the ‘front-end’ effects of corporate retail. The IFPRIcommissionedstudy (Reardon and Gulati <strong>2008</strong>) describes the development of modern retail in theUS and Europe, with its associated social and economic effects. It begins by emphasising what is littleknown and oft forgotten in India, that “the US has the strongest and longest anti-supermarket regulatoryhistory of any country in the world” (4). If India is moving ahead slower than its Asian neighbours, itis going much faster than the US did between the 1870s and 1980s which heralded the Wal-Mart age,and the regulatory constraints the retail sector faces are considerably less than were experienced by theUS pioneers.The study describes the rich range of measures taken in other developing countries to support traditionalretailers in the face of supermarkets’ rise. Taiwan and Hong Kong have each implemented wetmarketmodernisation programmes, involving covering the markets, improving drainage, training in food safetyand the provision of parking space (26-27). China’s Markets Upgrading Programme launched in 2006,couples the 100 leading wholesale markets with the 100 leading food retail firms, the latter acting as‘modernisation anchors’ (29).The study is optimistic for the survival of traditional retail. The evidence to date, affirmed by the recentICRIER study (as yet unreleased but reported by Mint, April 28 <strong>2008</strong>), is that India’s ‘unorganised’ retailis still growing, be it slowly, alongside new modern formats. “In Indonesia, after several years of theemergence of supermarkets, 90 per cent of fresh food and 70 per cent of all food is still controlled bytraditional retailers. In China, the overall story is no different though supermarkets have moved fasterinto cities” (39).This brief review of literature and global experience permits us to make a first attempt at an analyticalframework, for understanding the contributions to livelihoods of the poor by corporate retailers inIndia.3. Towards a framework for IndiaIn our framework, we can consider three parameters: (i) the livelihoods created and improved within thesupply chain, (ii) the indirect benefits to livelihoods related to, but not within, the supply chain, and (iii)7See for example Kaplinsky and Morriss (2000) for an example of such clear steering.154
The Contribution of Corporate Supply Chains to the Livelihoods of the Poorthe various costs to existing livelihoods in the supply chain being modernised, both direct and indirect.While no measurement is attempted in this report, we can keep in mind that the ‘quality’ of a livelihoodmust have three aspects: (i) size of income flow, (ii) the regularity and certainty of that income flow,and (iii) wider quality-of-life parameters, with respect to health and safety of a job, extent of freedomspermitted, and a job’s potential to nurture long-term career learning and expectations.Table 7. 1: The livelihood benefits and costs of corporate retail supply chains1. Frontendretail2 . M i ds u p p l ychain1. Direct benefits 2. Indirect benefits 3. Costs1.1.i New jobs for shopassistants, store managers,packagers, shelvers, warehouseworkers1.1.ii Increased value (budgetsaving) and convenience(time saving) for shoppers2.1.i New jobs for village-,mandi- and region-levelsourcing agents in sorting,quality control, cold storage,packing, transporting2.1.ii New jobs for input andadvice suppliers to linkedproducers2.1.iii Improved and moretransparent supply of goodsfor existing wholesalers1.2.i New jobs for securityguards, cleaners, constructionworkers1.2.ii Expanded marketfor complementary businesse.g. restaurants, publictransport1.3.i Job loss in unorganisedretail1.3.ii Job loss and closureof ‘boutiques’ for apparel,home, artisan goods; threatto small-scale innovationthus fostered2.3.i Job loss at mandi(auctioneers, commissionagents)2.3.ii Job loss among traditionalwholesalers, forwardingagents, transportersetc who fail to submit andadapt2.3.iii Reduced quality ofmid-supply chain livelihoods,vis income flows and freedoms(as they shift fromsmall family businesses tolow-salaried jobs)Quality’ ofa livelihoodmust have threeaspects: (i)size of incomeflow, (ii) theregularity andcertainty ofthat incomeflow, and(iii) widerquality-of-lifeparameters,with respectto health andsafety of ajob, extentof freedomspermitted, anda job’s potentialto nurturelong-term careerlearning andexpectations.3. Production,manufacture3.1.i Improved farm jobswith new and higher valuecrops for those who makethe grade3.1.ii New jobs/ bigger marketsin food processing3.1.iii Improved, new jobs/bigger markets in low-techartisanal fabric and homeproducts3.1.iv New jobs/ biggermarkets in manufacture ofapparel, shoes, home, FMCG,cosmetics….3.2.i Higher purchasingpower of poor in rural andTier II, III urban areas,for all products offeredby the full range of activeretailers3.2.ii More reliable customersfor bankers againstsecure purchase orders3.3.i Reduced quality andloss of farm jobs for thosewho don’t meet stringentquality standards3.3.ii Reduced quality andloss of manufacturing jobsfor those who don’t meetstringent quality standards3.3.iii Reduced quality andloss of jobs for producerswhose scale is too small tosupport linkage to re-gearedsupply chainsFrom the experience of retailers reaching for the mass market (Pantaloons Retail, Reliance Fresh, evenFabindia) there is clearly immense untapped purchasing power in urban India, not simply in the metrosbut in Tier II and III cities too. Re-gearing towards organised retail is still far more about market expansionfor products (increasing the cake’s size) than it is about displacing one retail format with another155
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Mona DikshitMona Dikshit has been a