Chapter VII(re-cutting the same cake). This retail revolution is fuelled not only by the rapid growth in income amongIndian consumers, but also by the creation of opportunities to shop and spend which increase exponentiallythe spending culture of consumers, regardless of their income levels.The modernisation (or corporatisation) of retail makes it an attractive field of jobs for the educated youth,which unorganised retail never was. The jobs in modern retail range from unskilled (sorting, packaging,shelving), to skilled (shop assistants requiring language and computer proficiency) and basic management(store managers, warehouse managers). It is clearly the corporate promise, i.e. the hope of meetingcareer expectations, as much as or more than the job itself, which lures the young educated. Retail jobsare not of particularly good quality. New entrants must often put up with hiring by contractors, ratherthan directly by the firm and even high school or college graduates are found earning close to minimumwages. If expectations remain unmet for too long, there is a risk of rapid turnover and declining qualityof jobs and those who fill them.Re-gearedsupply chainsfoster newforms of power,whereby the‘hard power’ ofcapital, whichearlier governedone’s abilityto participatein markets, isreplaced by the‘soft power’of productand qualitystandards, andthis change determineswhichindividualproducers andsuppliers canget linked andstay linked.As discussed above, re-geared supply chains foster new forms of power, whereby the ‘hard power’ ofcapital, which earlier governed one’s ability to participate in markets, is replaced by the ‘soft power’ ofproduct and quality standards, and this change determines which individual producers and suppliers canget linked and stay linked. Re-geared supply chains engineer a de-commoditisation of goods, whereinvariety, type and quality are distinguished at source and production is reshaped to fit these categories.The effect is that quality and product specifications carry a premium when earlier they did not. Thosewho meet the standards can benefit from this shift, while those who fail, find themselves with feweroptions and their goods, channelled into lower grade markets at lower prices.Re-gearing of supply chains does not necessarily shorten the chain from ‘plough to plate’. But it reorganisesthe nodes and their spatial location, to enable rapid response to front-end requirements: thatshelf space must be continually filled and ‘refreshed’, with goods of consistent quality. While severalchain nodes may be under threat by re-gearing, the number of livelihoods supported by mid-supplychain functions does not necessarily have to reduce, since intermediary jobs lost are made up for withthe emergence of new jobs in sorting, quality control, provision of technical assistance to farmers, andcold storage and improved transportation systems.The framework in Table 7.1 and the following discussion, lead us to a more detailed examination ofconventional supply chains in India. What exactly are corporate retailers coming in to use, change orreplace?4. Conventional supply chains and their reach to retail4.1 Farm goodsThe purchase and sale of farm produce (grain, pulses, vegetables, fruits) remains heavily regulated underthe Agricultural Produce Marketing Act (APMA) which came into force across states in the 1950s and1960s. The Act states that no retailer or food processing company may purchase farm products, andno farmer may sell his goods other than by auction from the government-licensed mandi. The Act’srationale was twofold: to ensure fairness and transparency in price setting for farmers; and to ensurethat farm produce flowed to the consumer in an orderly manner, to avoid hoarding by traders and easeof procurement by government agencies in times of scarcity. 8Mandis have been subject to the failures of policy process in at least two respects. First, while pricesetting by auction may be transparent, the valuation of a farmer’s produce is frequently not so, with1568The APMA is currently in the process of being amended. Among the states, which have initiated this process, are Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, AndhraPradesh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka (company official, Reliance Agribusiness).
The Contribution of Corporate Supply Chains to the Livelihoods of the Poorfarmers being short-changed through improper grading and weighing. Second, the original plan to setup temperature-controlled storage facilities at mandis remains largely unrealised.But the greater problems lie in the policy’s design. The requirements of APMA lead to long and cumbersomesupply chains, inhibiting direct relations and improved responsiveness between consumer andfarmer. The time and cost implications for farmers in reaching and waiting at the mandi for their sale toclear, lead many farmers to sell through traders who bear these costs, while others might camp out forthe night to beat the queues. The requirement of an auction necessitates the presence of a governmentappointedauctioneer to define the sale (i.e. check and grade the produce from a trader). The produceof different farmers may be sold separately following rudimentary quality checks, but measures are toocrude for farmers to see significant reward for quality. Only licensed ‘commission agents’ are permittedto bid on a buyer’s behalf and these agents tend to aggregate their purchase at day’s end before shippingit to the buyer. So any quality distinctions made at point of sale are lost and the link to farmer, erased.Multiple points in the chain further necessitate bagging of goods, which hugely increases the time requiredto load and unload for shipping.This lengthy chain and the discouragement of private investment in securing produce of a particularstandard, mean extremely high levels of wastage, which various studies estimate at 40-60 per cent (Kumar,Patwari et al. 17 May <strong>2008</strong>; Upton and Fuller 2004). This begins at the mandi itself, where spillageoccurs in the bagging process and where a traditional compensation to the mandi labourer is sometimesthe produce spilled in the weighing area (Prahalad 2006)!A World Bank study (Mattoo, Mishra et al. 2007) 9 shows that the crowded and inefficient chain for freshfruit and vegetables, maintains the average price received by the farmer at only 12-15 per cent of theprice paid by the consumer, and this has been one of the key reasons why India’s horticultural sectorhas remained uncompetitive for export.It is to the wholesale mandis that street vendors, pushcart vendors and kirana store managers go dailyto stock up with goods and sell in their neighbourhoods. Studies differ in the estimated number ofunorganised grocery retailers in India. A study from IIM Bangalore estimates 12 million kirana storesbut it puts no figure on the number of pushcart vendors and neglects to mention at all those who sit inneighbourhood markets or on the street to sell their wares (Kumar, Patwari et al. 17 May <strong>2008</strong>, 327). TheICRIER study states that one in every 14 Indian works in “the small stores which dot our neighbourhood”(Mint 28 April <strong>2008</strong>).Unorganised grocery retail is characterised by extremely low operating costs (estimated in one studyas 5-3 per cent of sales) and low gross margins (10-15 per cent of sales). It is these low running costs,which secure small retailers good net margins and enable them to stay in a business, which depends oncrowded and inefficient supply chains. Low running costs are the result of low rents and tax evasion, aswell as low labour costs (Kumar, Patwari et al. 17 May <strong>2008</strong>).What do these low labour costs mean for job numbers and job quality? Low running costs reflect theuse of family labour and the low levels of hired labour. Kirana stores and pushcarts provide a continuouslivelihood to one or two family members, perhaps only one income stream among several but onewhich helps to sustain a family, once it is combined with marginal farming or poorly paid wage labour;small unorganised retail provides self employment as an alternative to manual labour, especially valuablefor women, the elderly and less robust who cannot compete with the terms and conditions of the casuallabour market; it often provides a safe space for children to sit, study, help out, when their parents orcare-givers would otherwise need to be away all day at work.A WorldBank studyshows that thecrowded andinefficient chainfor fresh fruitand vegetables,maintains theaverage pricereceived bythe farmer atonly 12-15per cent of theprice paid bythe consumer,and this hasbeen one ofthe key reasonswhy India’shorticulturalsector hasremaineduncompetitivefor export.9Cited in Reardon & Gulati <strong>2008</strong>, pg 41.157
- Page 3 and 4:
State of India’s Livelihoods :The
- Page 5 and 6:
ChapterPage NoForeword 6Preface 8Ab
- Page 8:
ForewordAs a part of its microfinan
- Page 11 and 12:
employment growth, these sectors we
- Page 14:
RIAARMKRRBRSVYSCSC/STsSCPSCSPSERPSE
- Page 20 and 21:
Chapter Iresponse, risks and shocks
- Page 23 and 24:
OverviewTable 1.2 Employment and Un
- Page 25 and 26:
OverviewA recent paper by Arjun Sen
- Page 27:
Overview4. How is the livelihood st
- Page 31 and 32:
Overview5.2 Manmade constraints - i
- Page 33 and 34:
Overviewthe late 1980s, these two m
- Page 35 and 36:
OverviewIn the 1970s, the Chipko mo
- Page 37 and 38:
Overviewsocial responsibility (CSR)
- Page 39 and 40:
OverviewBox 1.3 Bihar - Underdevelo
- Page 42 and 43:
4040
- Page 44 and 45:
Chapter IIAn enumeration of the dep
- Page 46 and 47:
Chapter IIBox 2.1 Macro Level Livel
- Page 48 and 49:
Chapter IIIn addition to the above,
- Page 50 and 51:
Chapter IIFig 2.1: Poverty Ratio am
- Page 52 and 53:
Chapter IIPoormigrantlabouroften su
- Page 54 and 55:
Chapter IIInterestingly, the Govern
- Page 56 and 57:
Chapter IIThe effective cost of nat
- Page 58 and 59:
Chapter IIsector and thereby casual
- Page 60 and 61:
Chapter IIReferences1. Aiyar , Swam
- Page 62 and 63:
Chapter IIIto, the vulnerability co
- Page 64 and 65:
Chapter IIIIt would be useful here
- Page 66 and 67:
Chapter IIIof new employment opport
- Page 68 and 69:
Chapter IIIinterest subvention - wo
- Page 70 and 71:
Chapter III6. The 11th Plan propose
- Page 72 and 73:
Chapter IIIBox 3.5: Rural Business
- Page 74 and 75:
Chapter III9. The achievement of ge
- Page 76 and 77:
Chapter IIIaid. The Plan also seeks
- Page 78 and 79:
Chapter IIIand health. They point o
- Page 80 and 81:
Chapter IIIReferences1. Ambasta, Pr
- Page 82 and 83:
8080
- Page 84 and 85:
Chapter IVtransport, storage, commu
- Page 86 and 87:
Chapter IVing of ‘English Speakin
- Page 88 and 89:
Chapter IVWhile these livelihoods h
- Page 90 and 91:
Chapter IVTable 4.6 Employment with
- Page 92 and 93:
Chapter IVConstruction requires no
- Page 94 and 95:
Chapter IVgains in manufacturing ha
- Page 96 and 97:
Chapter IV10. A Spatial Perspective
- Page 98 and 99:
Chapter IVA quick glance at some of
- Page 100 and 101:
Chapter IV12. Once a watershed is d
- Page 102:
Chapter IVThrougha range ofschemes
- Page 105 and 106:
Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 107 and 108: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 109 and 110: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 111 and 112: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 113 and 114: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 115 and 116: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 117 and 118: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 119 and 120: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 121 and 122: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 123 and 124: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 125 and 126: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 127 and 128: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 129 and 130: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 131 and 132: Public Systems: Major central gover
- Page 133 and 134: Civil Society InitiativesChapter VI
- Page 135 and 136: Civil Society InitiativesThe human
- Page 137 and 138: Civil Society Initiativesso far has
- Page 139 and 140: Civil Society Initiativesan 8 per c
- Page 141 and 142: Civil Society InitiativesThe cooper
- Page 143 and 144: Civil Society Initiativeslimited ir
- Page 145 and 146: Civil Society Initiativesintelligen
- Page 147 and 148: Civil Society InitiativesOutboard M
- Page 149 and 150: Civil Society InitiativesCase Study
- Page 151 and 152: Civil Society InitiativesReferences
- Page 153 and 154: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 155 and 156: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 157: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 161 and 162: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 163 and 164: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 165 and 166: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 167 and 168: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 169 and 170: The Contribution of Corporate Suppl
- Page 172 and 173: Chapter VIII170
- Page 174 and 175: Chapter VIIIcountry that make the e
- Page 176 and 177: Chapter VIIIFig 8.4: All-India area
- Page 178 and 179: Chapter VIIIWhen commercial crops l
- Page 180 and 181: Chapter VIIIunit of risk settlement
- Page 182 and 183: Chapter VIIIPublic capitalformation
- Page 184 and 185: Chapter VIII8. Integrated Rural Dev
- Page 186 and 187: Chapter VIIIAn expertpanel ‘sreco
- Page 188 and 189: Chapter VIIIHowever as final wage s
- Page 190: 188
- Page 193 and 194: appENDIX TableTable A.1.3: Distribu
- Page 195 and 196: appENDIX TableEmploymentEmploymentG
- Page 197 and 198: appENDIX TableTable 2: Employment S
- Page 199 and 200: appENDIX TableTable 4: State Wise G
- Page 201 and 202: appENDIX TableTable-7: Distribution
- Page 203 and 204: appENDIX TableDams and Displacement
- Page 205 and 206: appENDIX TableFig. A.3.2: High Pote
- Page 207 and 208: appENDIX TableTable A.3.2Table 2: S
- Page 209 and 210:
appENDIX TableChapter IV - ANNEX TA
- Page 211 and 212:
appENDIX TableAnnex A.5.1Backward R
- Page 213 and 214:
appENDIX TableAnnex A.5.3Some UNDP
- Page 215 and 216:
appENDIX TableGross Value of Output
- Page 217 and 218:
Mona DikshitMona Dikshit has been a