Chapter IPath dependency is a useful concept for livelihood status analysis and can be applied to all three cuts –segmental, sectoral and spatial.Pathdependency is auseful conceptfor livelihoodstatus analysisand can beapplied toall three cuts– segmental,sectoral andspatial.In case of population segments, the most oppressive form of path dependency was the caste-basedoccupation system in India. So, a scavenger’s son had to be a scavenger and a brahmin’s son, a priest ora learned man. In today’s India, it shows up in strident demands for reservations in government jobs andseats in professional colleges, and equally visceral opposition to it from the “forwards”.In sectoral terms, path-dependency shows up when we see erstwhile large employment share subsectorslike handloom weaving, or safety-match making. Both of these have been protected by laws andregulations, on the grounds that lakhs of people were employed in them. The protection of handloomsled to oppression of powerlooms and the mill sector – there was a time, till the mid 1980s, when it wasillegal to establish a powerloom, or increase production of a mill beyond specified capacity (even withoutadding additional machinery) without prior government permission. The handloom sector becamemore and more protection and subsidy-dependent. The introduction of the well-meaning Janata Sareescheme in 1977 to keep handloom weavers employed, led to massive corruption and deskilling and yet,this did not save the handloom sector, in the face of massive consumer preference shifts to powerloomand mill-woven cloth.Spatially, path dependency shows up in Bihar versus Tamil Nadu. This can be traced to the land revenuesystem introduced by the British. Where they carried out ‘permanent settlements’ and specified a fixedlevel of revenue, the ryots had an incentive to be more productive, since they kept the entire remainingsurplus. But where the land revenue continued to be collected by Zamindars, with multiple layers ofintermediaries like bahrails and gumastas, the ryots had little left and so began to produce less and less,barely able to eke out a living. This is the tragedy of most of Bihar and Eastern UP, which in spite ofbeing part of the most fertile Indo-Gangetic belt, records rather low levels of agricultural productivity,which in turn have thwarted growth and diversification into the non-farm sector in contrast to Tamil Naduand coastal Andhra Pradesh. The demand for new states is a way of breaking spatial path dependency.6. Livelihood promotion–What has been tried? What more can be done?There have been many efforts at livelihood promotion – by the government, by civil society andincreasingly by the corporate sector. Here we look at some of the prominent ones, with a view todrawing lessons from a historical analysis.6.1 Livelihood programmes of the GovernmentGovernment poverty alleviation programs can be classified into four types: (i) wage employmentprogrammes; (ii) self-employment programmes; (iii) minimum needs programmes; (iv) and areadevelopment programmes.30Also called rural works programmes, wage employment programmes provide employment whilegenerating useful public goods. In 1973, the Congress government in Maharashtra began the one ofthe most significant of these programmes in India – the Employment Guarantee Scheme. It guaranteedemployment to the rural poor in Maharashtra through piece rate wage labour. In 1977, the nationalJanata Dal government adopted this scheme and expanded it to the whole country as the National RuralEmployment Programme (NREP). However, in the implementation of this programme, the landless wereoften unable to access the scheme – in order to remedy this, the Rural Landless Employment GuaranteeProgramme (RLEGP) came into being in the mid-1980s. Unlike NREP, it guaranteed employment tothe landless poor. There were two area specific wage employment programmes. One is the NehruRozgar Yojana (NRY), which addresses wage employment issues in urban areas. The other was theEmployment Assurance Scheme (EAS), which provided wage employment in resource poor areas. In30
Overviewthe late 1980s, these two merged to form the Jawahar Rozgar Yojana (JRY). In effect till the early 2000s,JRY was essentially a Food-for-Work programme.The latest form of wage employment programme is the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme(NREGS) which offers 100 days of guaranteed employment to the rural unemployed poor. The definingfeature underlying this programme is that it is based on the National Rural Employment GuaranteeAct – a law passed in 2005 that guarantees that the government will provide 100 days of employment.Unlike the RLEG, the NREG is endorsed by a legal guarantee. Though this is a major step forward inthe sense that it makes 100 days of employment or payment of unemployment benefit in lieu of that, anenforceable right, the implementation of NREGA leaves much to be desired. The “suicide” of a Block<strong>Development</strong> Officer in West Bengal, who was honestly trying to implement NREGA and the murderof activist Lalit Mehta in Jharkhand, within a month of each other, shows the extent of vested interestin the misuse of this programme.The Antyodaya programme in 1978 in Rajasthan was the precursor to a nationwide self-employmentpromotion programme. In 1980, the central government up scaled it to an all-India level as the IntegratedRural <strong>Development</strong> Programme (IRDP). In this programme, each village collectively chose the fivepoorest households who were then given financial assistance by banks and subsidies by the government,so that they could begin their own businesses. A few years later, assessments of the programme showedthat the IRDP was unable to reach women, so the <strong>Development</strong> of Women and Children in Rural Areas(DWCRA) programme was begun. Assessments also found that there were only a few kinds of livelihoodactivities that the poor wanted to engage in, so a training programme was set up to help them diversify.This was the Training Scheme for Rural Youth for Self-Employment (TRYSEM). In the late 1990s, theindividual-based approach of these programmes was supplanted by a group-based approach. It wasrecast as the Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY), and continues till today. Having run forover 28 years non-stop, the IRDP has covered over 80 million poor households with a subsidised bankloan to buy an income-generating asset. Yet its results have been quite disappointing, both in terms ofincremental income for the poor and in terms of repayment of bank loans.The idea behind the minimum needs programmes was that in order to access livelihood opportunities,the poor needed to have some minimum standard of resources. These programmes focused on buildingroads, ensuring drinking water and sanitation, and providing adequate housing. Each of these threehad its own programme: the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) for road infrastructuredevelopment, the Accelerated Rural Water Supply Programme to ensure that all groups of habitationswith no more than 1,000 houses each, were provided with safe drinking water, and the Indira AwasYojana, which provided subsidised housing for the rural poor. In 1995, the minimum needs programmewas expanded to include providing old-age pensions, support to widows, disabled, and pregnant andlactating mothers. This was done through the National Social Assistance Programme.Area development programs combined the three approaches above in a focused manner for resourcepoor areas. The Drought Prone Areas Programme (DPAP), Desert <strong>Development</strong> Programme, andBorder Areas <strong>Development</strong> Programme are examples from the 1970s. However, some areas proved tobe chronically poor, and this realisation led to the Rashtriya Sam Vikas Yojana (RSVY) in 2003. Here the100 poorest districts were chosen and the government started investing in their development. However,investing in just one district did not alleviate poverty, and the government started the Backward RegionsGrant Fund in 2005 to invest in the poorest districts.The unhappy summary of nearly 60 years of government-run livelihood programmes is that they weregenerally well-conceived but poorly implemented. The more the intellectual power mustered to designthese programmes in Delhi, the less was the investment in implementation capability to deliver thesein the districts.Unlike theRLEG, theNREG isendorsed by alegal guarantee.Though thismakes 100days ofemploymentor payment ofunemploymentbenefit in lieuof that, anenforceableright, theimplementationof NREGAleaves much tobe desired.The unhappysummary ofnearly 60 yearsof governmentrunlivelihoodprogrammesis that theywere generallywell-conceivedbut poorlyimplemented.The more theintellectualpower musteredto design theseprogrammesin Delhi, theless was theinvestment inimplementationcapability todeliver these inthe districts.31
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Mona DikshitMona Dikshit has been a