2288die from police torture each year (see Section 1.c.). The HRCP estimated that 23persons were killed in police custody or police encounters during the year. Police officialsinsist that these deaths occurred during attempts to escape or resist arrest.For example, in October police killed a suspect who reportedly attempted to resistarrest; there were no investigations of the incident during the year. In addition tokilling suspects to prevent them from implicating the police in court, police reportedlykilled suspected criminals to circumvent or overcome insufficient evidence, witnessintimidation, judicial corruption, and sometimes political pressure. Police professionalismis low. The police view the killings of criminal suspects as appropriategiven the lack of effective action by the judiciary against criminals. The judiciaryon the other hand, faults the police for presenting weak cases that do not stand upin court.According to a press report, Shaheen Akhtar, a 15-year-old rape victim chargedwith adultery was kept fettered in a hospital despite being diagnosed with advancedtuberculosis; Akhtar died in May (see Section 1.c.).Police officers occasionally are transferred or briefly suspended for involvement inextrajudicial killings. However, court-ordered inquiries into these killings have resultedin few trials and no convictions. In February two police inspectors who werecharged with killing a member of the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) in custodywere denied bail after the Sindh High Court determined that they had falsifiedprecinct records and appeared to have committed the crime. Punjabi police killedTahir Prince in February 1999; after his mother filed a writ, the Lahore High Courtordered a case registered against two police officers, one of whom was dismissedmid-year on charges of corruption. Tahir Prince’s family then accepted financialcompensation and dropped the case against the two officers. In general police continuedto commit such killings with impunity.The police and security forces were responsible for the deaths of a number of individualsassociated with political or terrorist groups. A committee of inquiry was establishedto look into the death of Pakistan Muslim League youth wing leaderQasim Khan, who died while in the custody of the Peshawar police in July 1999.However, despite requests from human rights activists, the committee did not publishits findings, and the officer who allegedly was involved in the killing retainedhis position.The Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM), an urban Sindh-based political partythat in the past demonstrated a willingness to use violence to further its aims,claimed that the police specifically targeted its adherents for extrajudicial killings.Altaf Hussain established the MQM in 1984 to promote the rights of Mohajirs, thedescendants of Urdu-speaking Muslims who migrated from India to Pakistan followingpartition in 1947. Elements of the group became involved in extortion andother forms of racketeering, and the party split into theMQM-Altaf—the original group headed by Altaf Hussain, a large breakawaygroup (MQM-Haqiqi), and a few smaller factions. The MQM-Altaf, in part becauseof its efficient organization and willingness to use violence, became the dominantpolitical party in Karachi and Hyderabad, and sent several moderate and nonviolentleaders to the now suspended Parliament and the Sindh provincial assembly. Becauseof its past links, the MQM-Altaf has antagonized followers, suffered violentbreakaways, and continually been at odds with successive governments. In a 1999report, the MQM listed 10 persons, mostly MQM activists, that it alleged werekilled extrajudicially by Karachi police between October 1998 and March 1999.Since the coup, reports of extrajudicial killings of MQM activists have droppedsharply. However, on September 13, two MQM activists were killed, probably bygovernment forces.Politically motivated and sectarian violence continued. After the coup, there wasrelative quiet until the traditionally tense Shi’a holiday of Muharram in April, whena number of violent incidents occurred between rival Sunni and Shi’a groups. Onenewspaper reported that an estimated 300 persons had died in sectarian attacks betweenlate 1997 and 1999 (see Sections 2.c. and 5). Shi’a activists reported in Aprilthat approximately 40 Shi’as have been killed since the coup. According to governmentfigures, 915 persons, 64 percent of them Shi’as, have died as a result of sectarianviolence since 1994. On April 7, unknown gunmen in Karachi killed a Shi’alawyer and the Secretary General of Tehrek-i-Jafaria Pakistan (TJP), his son, andhis driver; the assailants may have been members of the extremist Sipah-e-SahabaPakistan (SSP—see Section 5). On April 12, in the worst incident of sectarian violencesince the coup, unknown assailants attacked a Shi’a religious congregation inRawalpindi with grenades and bullets, killing 19 persons and injuring 37 others. Policearrested several Sunni Muslims following the attack. In April an unknown gunmankilled 15 Shi’a Muslims in the village of Mallow Wali. On May 11, unknownVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00132 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2289assailants killed a leader of the SSP, which marked the first killing of a knownSunni leader since 1998 (see Sections 1.d. and 5).Women were killed by family members in so-called ‘‘honor killings.’’ In Marchwomen’s rights activists told a local newspaper that the frequency of honor killingsis on the rise. For example, on June 1, a man from Yar Hussain in the northwestfrontier province (NWFP) allegedly killed his 20-year-old daughter, Mumlikat Bibi,while she was sleeping. The father reportedly opposed his daughter’s efforts tochoose a spouse without parental consent (see Sections 1.f. and 5).There were at least two high profile killings during the year. In January unknownassailants killed the chief justice designate of the Baluchistan High Court; it is likelythat Marri was killed as a result of a personal vendetta. On March 10, unknownassailants killed Iqbal Raad, one of the defense lawyers for former Prime MinisterSharif. However, many observers believe that Raad’s involvement in the Sharif trialwas not a factor in his death.There were numerous bomb attacks during the year. On January 17, a bomb inKarachi killed 12 persons and injured 22 persons. On January 28, two separate explosionskilled 6 persons and injured 40 persons. On February 5, a bomb explodedkilling 7 persons and injuring 60 others. No one claimed responsibility for these attacks.In March during a high profile visit to the country by a foreign head of state,five explosions occurred in Hyderabad, Quetta, and Karachi; two persons were killedand four persons were injured in these explosions. On March 28, an explosion inTorkham along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border killed at least 7 persons and injured27 others. In May a spate of bombings targeting Karachi police stations killedone person. On July 7, two explosions in the Punjab killed 3 persons and injured11 others. On July 16, a bomb exploded on a train to Hyderabad, killing 10 personsand injuring 32 others. On September 3, a bomb exploded in Lahore’s central busstation, killing 2 and injuring 12 others. On September 7, 7 persons were killed and35 injured in an explosion at the Dharampura Bazaar in Lahore. In late September,a large explosion at an Islamabad market killed at least 16 persons and injured 100others. A local magazine reported that between January and October, there weremore than 17 bomb explosions that killed dozens of persons in Quetta. No oneclaimed responsibility for these attacks (see Section 1.c.).Local newspapers reported that more than ten politically prominent Afghans werekilled during the year (see Section 2.d.). For example, in April unknown assailantskilled Arif Khan, the Taliban governor of Konduz province. Afghans attributed someof these killings to personal rather than political disputes. Police personnel did notarrest anyone in connection with these killings.There were reports that four prisoners died in a riot in a Peshawar jail in October;however, prison authorities denied these reports (see Section 1.c.).Tension along the line of control between Pakistan and Indian-held Kashmir washigh during the year, and there was shelling in several sectors. A senior army officialin Pakistan-controlled Kashmir estimated that approximately 143 civilians werekilled on the Pakistani side of the line of control.b. Disappearance.—There were credible reports of politically motivated disappearances.For example, retired Major General Anwar Sher and an Afghan aide, AbdulQaher Shariati, disappeared in July; they were active in organizing Afghans to pursuea peace process. There has been no police investigation into the disappearances.In the intra-Mohajir violence in Karachi, victims sometimes first are held and torturedby opposing groups (or, as the MQM-Altaf alleges, by security forces). Bodiesof these victims, often mutilated, generally are dumped in the street soon after thevictims are abducted; however, the incidence of such crimes decreased greatly duringthe year.In July a woman in Baluchistan was abducted by members of her tribe after atribal jirga (council) forced the woman to annul her marriage (see Section 5).c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.—The suspended Constitution and the Penal Code expressly forbid torture and othercruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment; however, police regularly torture, beat, andotherwise abuse persons. Police routinely use force to elicit confessions; however,there were fewer such reports and greater police cooperation in investigating suchreports during the year. Human rights observers suggest that, because of widespreadtorture by the police, suspects usually confess to crimes regardless of theiractual culpability; the courts subsequently throw out many such confessions. AI estimatesthat at least 100 persons die from police torture each year (see Section 1.a.).According to a 1999 Human Rights Watch report, children in detention also are subjectedto torture and mistreatment (see Section 5).Common torture methods include: beating; burning with cigarettes; whipping thesoles of the feet; sexual assault; prolonged isolation; electric shock; denial of foodor sleep; hanging upside down; forced spreading of the legs with bar fetters; andVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00133 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2163All factions probably hold poli
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2165and unexploded ordnance. Nevert
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2167bade non-Muslims from living in
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2169tion of most of the country. Go
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2171Women accused of adultery also
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2173violations of the rights to edu
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2175paper and firewood, shining sho
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2177ister made remarks implying tha
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2179central unit of its student win
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2181humiliating, painful punishment
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2183ment of the split verdict in th
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2185The court system has two levels
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2187received death threats a few we
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2189ference, but on August 15 (the
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2191about 125 refugees and asylum s
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2193Section 5. Discrimination Based
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2195Indigenous People.—Tribal peo
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2199sites, carry fruit, vegetables,
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2201based in the Department of Wome
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2203turn to the country, beat them,
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2205antinational crimes, including
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2207order to be eligible for nomina
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2209Children.—The Government has
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2211resentatives of the Nepalese Go
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2213east; continued detention throu
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2215Accountability remains a seriou
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2217The Disturbed Areas Act has bee
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2219lice courtyard in Punjab, appar
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2221the NLFT was retaliating for a
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2223The Ministry of Home Affairs re
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2225One of the suspects subsequentl
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2227human rights organization. The
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2229sions would seriously affect hu
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2231ment. There are effective chann
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2233three Border Security Force mem
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2235fice owned by an NGO at Konung
- Page 81 and 82: 2237nated, but many of its members
- Page 83 and 84: 2239ever, no further information wa
- Page 85 and 86: 2241The Tamil Nadu government provi
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- Page 89 and 90: 2245and branded her with hot iron r
- Page 91 and 92: 2247also concerned about the lack o
- Page 93 and 94: 2249rights of the mentally ill and
- Page 95 and 96: 2251from women and children, gather
- Page 97 and 98: 2253The burning of churches continu
- Page 99 and 100: 2255suspected of belonging to an up
- Page 101 and 102: 2257Bonded labor, the result of a p
- Page 103 and 104: 2259ment officials more aware of th
- Page 105 and 106: 2261and ‘‘inhuman treatment.’
- Page 107 and 108: 2263illustration of the consequence
- Page 109 and 110: 2265The Government has permitted pr
- Page 111 and 112: 2267lations governing Internet acce
- Page 113 and 114: 2269Women traditionally have played
- Page 115 and 116: 2271In 1997 the Government for the
- Page 117 and 118: 2273pali Congress Party flags. A bo
- Page 119 and 120: 2275The authorities are more likely
- Page 121 and 122: 2277of the monarch who allegedly ki
- Page 123 and 124: 2279the Government generally does n
- Page 125 and 126: 2281areas along the country’s bor
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- Page 129 and 130: 2285e. Acceptable Conditions of Wor
- Page 131: 2287Provisional Constitutional Orde
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- Page 139 and 140: 2295Farooq Sattar was arrested by o
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- Page 143 and 144: 2299The Hudood ordinances criminali
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- Page 149 and 150: 2305which stipulated a sentence of
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- Page 155 and 156: 2311sioners review blasphemy cases
- Page 157 and 158: 2313of Shari’a (see Section 1.c.)
- Page 159 and 160: 2315late head of the Board of Inter
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- Page 165 and 166: 2321these services to a few core ar
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- Page 169 and 170: 2325administration in Multan approa
- Page 171 and 172: 2327fore their mandates expired, se
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- Page 177 and 178: 2333The LTTE was responsible for a
- Page 179 and 180: 2335persons tried on criminal charg
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2339thor, remained subject to gover
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2341bombs exploded in the hall of t
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2343September 29, the Center for Mo
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2345a strong commitment to children
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2347All workers, other than civil s
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23491999, the LTTE began a program