2178member was arrested on criminal charges, then detained under the SPA after ajudge granted him bail (see Section 1.d.). In December 1999, police submitted theirfinal report on the case to the court, stating that the evidence did not support themurder charge. Subsequently, the court accepted the police report and dismissed thecase against Hossain. Hossain then served legal notice on the victim’s family, demandingthat they explain why they should not be charged with criminal defamation.Political killings continued during non-hartal periods as well. On July 16,Shamsur Rahman, a well-respected journalist who wrote articles on smuggling andterrorism in the southwestern region, was killed in Jessore. The Home Ministerblamed the opposition for the killings; others blamed members of the ruling partywho are connected with the smugglers. Numerous other journalists were killed orattacked by government or societal forces throughout the year (see Section 2.a.). OnAugust 11, S.M.A. Rab, a prominent Awami League leader in Khulna, was killed.A Maoist group claimed responsibility. However, Rab’s son blamed the killing on hisfather’s rivals inside the ruling party who were upset by the Prime Minister’s announcementthat Rab would be the party’s nominee for the Khulna mayoral post.On August 16, rival political party activists in the old section of Dhaka killedAwami League leader Kamal Hossain. On August 20, a pro-BNP attorney, HabiburRahman Mandal, was shot and killed in the old section of Dhaka while on his wayto court. The same morning a pro-Awami League attorney, Kalidas Boral, was shotand killed in Bagerhat (near Kulna), allegedly by rivals within his own party. Amourning procession for the two slain attorneys was fired upon, resulting in injuries(see Section 1.c.).On July 21, a large bomb was unearthed near the site of a public meeting atwhich the Prime Minister was to speak the following day. On July 23, a secondbomb was discovered near a helicopter pad that she had used the previous day (seeSection 1.c.).In March 1999, two persons were killed while making bombs at ruling party M.P.Mohammed Mohibur Rahman Manik’s residence in the Sylhet region. Newspaperspeculations that the bombs were to have been used if local intraparty conflicts werecontested. Police arrested Manik in May 1999 for involvement in bomb making. Thecourt charged the M.P. on February 29; at year’s end, Manik remained free on bail.On August 16, Manik was injured, along with approximately 50 others, in a gunbattle between 2 factions of the Awami League in Sunamganj, Sylhet Division. OnMarch 7, 1999, 2 bombs exploded in Jessore, killing 10 persons who were attendinga performance of the leftaffiliated cultural group Udichi Shilpa Gosthi. On July 19,24 individuals were charged in connection with the bombing(s), including formerminister and BNP leader Tariqul Islam. As of year’s end, Islam and 2 others accusedin the case were free on bail, 18 individuals were in jail, and 3 are not incustody. While awaiting trial, Islam and the two others on bail appealed to havethe charges dismissed, saying that they were not involved in the case. The HighCourt stayed the order until February 14, 2001. On February 16, 1999, masked gunmenshot and killed Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal leader Kazi Aref Ahmed and four othersas they were addressing a public rally in a village near Khushtia. On July 11,29 individuals were charged in connection with the incident; 25 of them are in custody.As of year’s end, the case was continuing.Violence also is endemic between the student political wings of the major nationalparties, and between rival factions within the parties. In an escalation of politicalviolence, on July 12, gunmen fired automatic guns at a van in Chittagong, killingeight persons, including six members of the ruling party’s student wing, the BangladeshChhatra League (BCL). The Govenment accused the student wing of the oppositionJamaateIslami Party of being responsible for the attack. The Prime Ministerchallenged her supporters and the police to retaliate for the murders of herstudent supporters, declaring that there should be 10 opposition bodies for each onefrom the ruling party. An anti-Jamaat campaign following the July 12 killings resultedin the deaths of at least 2 Jamaat activists, the injury of many others, andthe arrests of hundreds more (see Section 1.d.). The opposition asserts that the attackon the van was a continuation of a shoot-out the previous day between rivalfactions of the BCL that left three BCL activists dead. Published photographs of anAugust 20 clash between two factions of the BCL at Kabi Nazrul College in the oldsection of Dhaka showed a BCL activist wielding a pistol in the presence of a policeman.The ruling Awami League temporarily suspended the operations of its youthfront wing in Dhaka. On December 15, many major newspapers published a photoof a man pointing a gun during the riot that ensued after the court issued a splitverdict in the murder case of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family (see Section1.e.). The man was identified as Hemayetuddin, a well-known BCL leader. No policeaction was taken against him. The main opposition BNP suspended activities of theVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00022 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.035 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2179central unit of its student wing, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, following the killing oftwo persons in a factional dispute at Dhaka University on July 2.Extortion from businesses and individuals by persons with political backing wascommon, and businessmen on several occasions went on strikes to protest the extortion.On May 25, several young men shot and killed Iftekhar Ahmed Shipu, ownerof a cellular telephone shop in Dhaka, after Shipu refused to give them a free telephone.A ruling party parliamentarian’s son and several others were charged withthe killing in a case filed by Shipu’s relatives. According to press accounts and asubsequent investigation by a human rights organization, a gang led by Sumon, sonof an influential local Awami League leader, abducted two young men on September15 and demanded a ransom of about $1,000 (50,000 Taka), which the parents didnot pay. The dismembered bodies of the two victims were found in a drain the followingday. The human rights organization report asserts that the police did notintervene to rescue the two young men, but rather shared drinks and cigaretteswith the gang members as they were holding the two victims. Subsequently, the officer-in-chargeof the local police station was transferred, and the police arrestedseveral members of the gang.b. Disappearance.—During the night of September 18, Nurul Islam, the BNP OrganizingSecretary for Laxmipur district, was abducted from his home. Accordingto reports from neighbors and from BNP sources, the General Secretary of the localchapter of the Awami League was behind this abduction and suspected killing. Policesubsequently searched the General Secretary’s residence for evidence relatingto the abduction. A case was filed against the General Secretary, 2 of his sons, and12 others, but neither the General Secretary nor his sons were arrested.c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.—The Constitution prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment;however, police routinely employ physical and psychological torture and other abuseduring arrests and interrogations. Torture may consist of threats, beatings and, occasionally,the use of electric shock. The Government rarely convicts or punishesthose responsible for torture, and a climate of impunity allows such police abusesto continue. After several Dhaka policemen were arrested in 1998 for allegedly beatingto death a college student in police custody (see Section 1.a.), the deputy commissionerof the Dhaka police detective branch publicly defended the use of physicalcoercion against suspects, saying that the practice was necessary in order to obtaininformation.Nasir Uddin Pintu, a leader of the opposition student group Jatiyatabadi ChhatraDal (JCD), alleged that he was tortured in police custody with beatings, sleep deprivation,and dousing with water. He also reported that he was denied proper foodand water while in custody from December 1999 to January. One human rights organizationreported that, after conducting a field investigation, it had confirmedthat on June 13, police officers in Jhenidaha arrested a 12-year-old boy namedBelal, hung him nude from a tree, tied a brick to his genitals, and beat him withsticks, allegedly for teasing a beggar. The human rights organization reported thatthe family was too intimidated to file a criminal report on this incident. Subsequently,one police officer from the nearby Betai Police Camp was suspended temporarily;other policemen from the Camp were transferred.Rape of female detainees in police or other official custody has been a problem,as the Chief Justice of the Bangladesh Supreme Court acknowledged in a Marchspeech when he observed that rapes and killings in police custody frequently occurred(see Section 1.a.). Some well-publicized reports of rape in police custody inprior years resulted in a widespread public outcry. While there were no reports ofsuch rapes during the year, it is unclear whether the situation has improved afterpublic condemnation, or whether rapes continue and simply are not being reported.According to human rights groups and media reports, police engaged in violenceand looting during the July 1999 raid of the Tanbazar and Nimtali brothel districts,allegedly attacking residents as well as over 40 female human rights activists whowere protesting the eviction (see Section 1.f.). The evicted sex workers were detainedin vagrant centers, where guards and fellow inmates subjected them to sexual assaultand harassment. According to two human rights organizations, fewer than adozen prostitutes remained in the vagrant homes at year’s end.Police sometimes rape women who are not in custody. The Government reportedthat in May a police constable raped a woman who was not in police custody. Afteran investigation, the constable was charged with rape and placed under suspension.The case was pending at year’s end. During the first 9 months of the year, onehuman rights organization documented nine cases of police raping women who werenot in custody. In addition after women report that they are raped (or are involvedin family disputes), they frequently are detained in ‘‘safe custody,’’ where they endurepoor conditions, and sometimes are abused or, as has been reported in priorVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00023 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.035 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
- Page 7 and 8: 2163All factions probably hold poli
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