2254caste—and frequently each subcasteare expected to fulfill a specific set of duties(known as dharma) in order to secure elevation to a higher caste through rebirth.Dalits (formerly called untouchables) are viewed by many Hindus as separate fromor ‘‘below’’ the caste system; nonetheless, they too are expected to follow theirdharma if they hope to achieve caste in a future life. Despite longstanding effortsto eliminate the discriminatory aspects of caste, the practice remains widespread.The practice of untouchability (‘‘untouchables’’—now called Dalits—along withtribals occupy the lowest strata of the caste system) was outlawed in theory by theConstitution and the 1955 Civil Rights Act, but it remains an important aspect oflife. ‘‘Untouchability’’ refers to the social restrictions imposed on persons because oftheir birth into certain Hindu castes. Dalits are considered unclean by higher casteHindus and thus traditionally are relegated to separate villages or neighborhoodsand to low paying and often undesirable occupations (such as scavenging, streetsweeping, and removing human waste and dead animals). Many rural Dalits workas agricultural laborers for higher caste landowners. By custom Dalits may be requiredto perform tasks for upper caste Hindus without remuneration. The majorityof bonded laborers are Dalits (see Section 6.c.). Dalits are among the poorest of citizens,generally do not own land, and often are illiterate. They face significant discriminationdespite the laws that exist to protect them, and often are prohibitedfrom using the same wells and from attending the same temples as higher casteHindus, and from marrying persons from higher castes. In addition they face segregationin housing, in land ownership, on roads, and on buses. Dalits tend to bemalnourished, lack access to health care, work in poor conditions (see Section 6.e.),and face continuing and severe social ostracism. In contrast the highest caste, theBrahmin, with 3.5 percent of the population, holds 78 percent of the judicial positionsand about 50 percent of parliamentary seats. NGO’s report that crimes committedby higher caste Hindus against Dalits often go unpunished, either becausethe authorities do not prosecute vigorously such cases or because the crimes are unreportedby the victims, who fear retaliation. In recent years, groupsincluding somethat use violence—have organized to protect Dalit rights.The Constitution gives the President the authority to identify historically disadvantagedcastes, Dalits, and ‘‘tribals’’ (members of indigenous groups historicallyoutside the caste system). These ‘‘scheduled’’ castes, Dalits, and tribes are entitledto affirmative action and hiring quotas in employment, benefits from special developmentfunds, and special training programs. The impact of reservations and quotason society and on the groups they are designed to benefit is a subject of active debate.According to the 1991 census, scheduled castes, including Dalits, made up 16percent and scheduled tribes 8 percent of the country’s 1991 population of 846 million.Christians historically have rejected the concept of caste. However, becausemany Christians descended from low caste Hindu families, many continue to sufferthe same social and economic limitations that low caste Hindus do, particularly inrural areas. Low caste Hindus who convert to Christianity lose their eligibility foraffirmative action programs. Those who become Buddhists or Sikhs do not. In somestates, government jobs are reserved for Muslims of low caste descent.The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989lists new offenses against disadvantaged persons and provides stiffer penalties foroffenders. However, this act has had only a modest effect in curbing abuse. TheNCRB reported that 25,638 crimes against scheduled castes and 4,276 crimesagainst scheduled tribes were recorded in 1998. This compares with 27,944 crimesagainst scheduled castes and 4,644 crimes against scheduled tribes recorded by theNCRB in 1997. However, human rights NGO’s allege that caste violence actuallyis on the increase.Intercaste violence claims hundreds of lives annually; it was especially pronouncedin Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, andAndhra Pradesh. According to HRW, on April 25, upper caste Rajputs shot andkilled four Dalits and seriously injured three others in Rohtas district, Bihar. Subsequently,Rajputs burned down the entire Dalit village, leaving all 25 families homeless,reportedly in retaliation for an earlier attack. On March 12, a mob of uppercaste men entered Kambalapalli village, Karnataka, where they reportedly believedthat the killer of an upper caste person had taken refuge. The mob surrounded andset fire to one of the homes in the predominantly Dalit village; seven members ofa Dalit family were killed in the blaze. On May 12, a group of men enteredLakhisarai village, Bihar, and indiscriminately shot at villagers, killing 11 persons,including 10 low-caste laborers. Police suspected that a criminal gang was responsiblefor the killings. On May 17, upper caste youths stripped two lower castewomen and paraded them naked through their village of Rasoolabad, Kanpur district,Uttar Pradesh. The women’s allged crime was to have allowed an upper castewoman to spend one night in their home. On June 3, approximately 50 armed menVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00098 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.035 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2255suspected of belonging to an upper caste private army, the Ranvir Sena, killed 5low-caste persons, including a woman and a child, in Rajebigha village, Bihar. Thekillings reportedly were perpetrated because the assailants suspected that the villagershad voted against a candidate favored by the upper caste community in Februarystate assembly elections in Bihar (see Section 3). Police occasionally have arrestedRanvir Sena members after similar incidents in Bihar. However, generallymembers of the Ranvir Sena who are arrested were released on bail shortly thereafter,and none were convicted during the year in connection with attacks on lowcastevillagers. According to HRW, police make little effort to prevent such killings,despite the fact that the Ranvir Sena often publicly announces its intentions daysbefore each attack; allegedly, police also fail to provide protection for villagers in theaftermath of such attacks. On October 22, the NHRC directed the Tamil Nadu governmentto pay about $10,990 (500,000 rupees) to 36 Dalit women and children. TheCommission found police wrongly attacked and beat the women and children afterentering their Ogalur village, Perambalur district, on November 30, 1998. TheNHRC further found that police illegally detained the victims for 18 days. In issuingthe order, NHRC chairman justice J.S. Verma wrote, ‘‘the present case is an instanceof lawlessness on the part of the police even in discharging their duties.’’Section 6. Worker Rightsa. The Right of Association.—The Constitution provides for the right of association.Workers may establish and join unions of their own choosing without prior authorization.More than 400 million persons make up the country’s active work force.Some 30 million of these workers are employed in the formal sector. The rest areoverwhelmingly are agricultural workers and, to a lesser extent, urban nonindustriallaborers. While some trade unions represent agricultural workers and informalsector workers, most of the country’s estimated 13 to 15 million union members arepart of the 30 million member formal sector. Of these 13 to 15 million unionizedworkers, some 80 percent are members of unions affiliated with one of the 5 majortrade union centrals. All major trade union centrals are affiliated to a greater orlesser extent with particular political parties. Central unions have stressed theirindependence and in some cases are attempting to sever previously tight party control.Trade unions often exercise the right to strike, but public sector unions are requiredto give at least 14 days notice prior to striking. Some states have laws requiringworkers in certain nonpublic sector industries to give notice of a plannedstrike.The Essential Services Maintenance Act allows the Government to ban strikesand requires conciliation or arbitration in specified ‘‘essential’’ industries. Legalmechanisms exist for challenging the assertion that a given dispute falls within thescope of this act. However, the essential services never have been defined in law.The act thus is subject to varying interpretations from state to state. TheMaharashtra government passed a law in February 1999 banning strikes in essentialservices, including transport services, milk supply services, the electricity department,and hospitals. The Industrial Disputes Act prohibits retribution by employersagainst employees involved in legal strike actions. This prohibition is observedin practice.The Kerala High Court declared in July 1997 that all general strikes (bandhs)were illegal and all organizers of protests would be liable for losses caused by shutdowns.Later in the year, the Supreme Court upheld the verdict drawing attentionto the difference between a complete closedown of all activities (bandh), and a generalstrike (hartal). While it is likely that the ruling was introduced in relation topolitical strikes, unions stated that it remained a potential threat to their activities.Other court rulings during 1997 also declared strikes illegal and made strikingworkers pay damages because consumers and the public suffered during strikes.According to Ministry of Labor statistics, as of June there had been 127 strikesand lockouts throughout the country during the year, involving 39,265 workers. Inall, 63,000 ‘‘person-days’’ were lost due to strikes and 900,000 ‘‘person-days’’ werelost due to lockouts during this period. For example, in February over 100,000 workersof a colliery in Andhra Pradesh went on a 13-day strike demanding better wagesand other benefits. The company later agreed to some of the workers’ demands. Inaddition, during the year approximately 80,000 workers went on strike for about 2weeks in Uttar Pradesh to protest the government’s plans to reorganize the stateelectricity board along corporate lines. The government succeeded in reorganizingthe electicity board along corporate lines despite the workers’ protest.When abuses, such as intimidation or suppression of legitimate trade union activities,are perpetrated against nationally organized or other large-scale unions orunionized workers, the authorities generally respond by prosecuting and punishingVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00099 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.035 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2163All factions probably hold poli
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2165and unexploded ordnance. Nevert
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2167bade non-Muslims from living in
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2171Women accused of adultery also
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2173violations of the rights to edu
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2175paper and firewood, shining sho
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2179central unit of its student win
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2181humiliating, painful punishment
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2183ment of the split verdict in th
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2189ference, but on August 15 (the
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2191about 125 refugees and asylum s
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2195Indigenous People.—Tribal peo
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2199sites, carry fruit, vegetables,
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2201based in the Department of Wome
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- Page 83 and 84: 2239ever, no further information wa
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- Page 89 and 90: 2245and branded her with hot iron r
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- Page 107 and 108: 2263illustration of the consequence
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2325administration in Multan approa
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2331during the year and in previous
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2333The LTTE was responsible for a
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2335persons tried on criminal charg
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2339thor, remained subject to gover
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2341bombs exploded in the hall of t
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2343September 29, the Center for Mo
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2345a strong commitment to children
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23491999, the LTTE began a program