2306didates. Legal provisions for minority reserved seats do not include the Senate andthe Federal Cabinet.Furthermore according to the suspended Constitution, the President and thePrime Minister must be Muslim. The Prime Minister, federal ministers, and ministersof state, as well as elected members of the Senate and National Assembly (includingnon-Muslims) must take an oath to ‘‘strive to preserve the Islamic ideology,which is the basis for the creation of Pakistan’’ (see Section 3).In June a prominent Christian-affiliated NGO that is active in defending thoseaccused of violating the blasphemy laws received a series of death threats.‘‘Islamiyyat’’ (Islamic studies) is compulsory for all Muslim students in state-runschools. Students of other faiths are not required to study Islam but are not providedwith parallel studies in their own religions. In practice many non-Muslim studentsare compelled by teachers to complete the Islamiyyat. An education policy announcedby the Government in 1998 included provisions for increased mandatory Islamicinstruction in public schools.Upon conversion to Islam, the marriages of Jewish or Christian men remain legal;however, upon conversion to Islam, the marriages of Jewish or Christian women,or of other non-Muslims, that were performed under the rites of the previous religionare considered dissolved.The Government designates religion on passports, and to get a passport citizensmust declare whether they are Muslim or non-Muslim. Muslims must also affirmthat they accept the unqualified finality of the prophethood of Mohammed and declarethat Ahmadis are non-Muslims.In September 1999, the Sharif Government removed colonial-era entries for ‘‘sect’’from government job application forms to prevent discrimination in hiring. However,the faith of some, particularly Christians, often can be ascertained from theirnames. General Musharraf and members of his staff apparently consulted with religiousminorities on some of his initial cabinet appointments.In December 1999, the Supreme Court ruled that interest is un-Islamic and directedthe Government to implement an interest-free system by June 2001.Following the coup, the Musharraf Government affirmed its commitment toprotectthe rights of religious minorities. According to minority community members,the Government made efforts to seek minority input into decision-making and offeredsome religious minorities cabinet positions.The predominantly Ahmadi town and spiritual center of Chenab Nagar (formerlyknown as Rabway) in Punjab often has been a site of violence against Ahmadis (seeSection 5).In December 1999, several hundred persons looted and burned property in HaveliLakha, Okara district, Punjab, which belonged to Mohammad Nawaz, a localAhmadi leader accused of planning to build an Ahmadi house of worship (see Section5). A neighbor reportedly incited the incident by accusing Nawaz of buildingthe house of worship after the two were involved in a property dispute. Nawaz, adoctor, reportedly intended to build a free clinic next to his home. The mob destroyedthe clinic and looted and burned Nawaz’s home. According to Ahmadisources, police personnel arrived at the scene, but did nothing to stop the crowd.At year’s end, neither the neighbor nor anyone in the crowd had been arrested orquestioned in connection with the incident, and police took no steps to find or returnany of Nawaz’s property. However, Nawaz and his two sons were arrested andcharged with blasphemy. Several days later, they were released on bail; however,the blasphemy case against them was pending as of year’s end. Three otherAhmadis in Haveli Lakha also were charged with blasphemy in connection with theincident, even though they were not in town at the time; however, the case againstthem was dismissed for lack of evidence.Sectarian violence and tensions continued to be a serious problem throughout thecountry (see Section 5). More than 300 persons have died in incidents of sectarianviolence in Punjab in the last 3 years, according to one credible newspaper report.Another newspaper reported that over 2,000 persons have died in sectarian violencesince 1981 (see Section 1.a.). However, sectarian violence markedly decreased afterthe October 1999 coup.Anti-terrorist courts also handed down convictions against several individuals accusedof sectarian violence. On April 22, an anti-terrorist court in Rawalpindi sentenced23 persons to life imprisonment for their role in leading a procession of personsthat burned a Shi’a mosque in 1996. On July 3, an anti-terrorist court inGujranwala convicted 2 men for reportedly killing a Shi’a senior police officer; however,the men later were released.d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, <strong>Foreign</strong> Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation.—Mostcitizens enjoy freedom of movement within the country and thefreedom to travel abroad; however, the Government limits these rights. The authori-VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00150 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2307ties at times prevent political party leaders and religious leaders from traveling tocertain parts of the country (see Sections 2.b. and 2.c.). Travel to Israel is prohibitedby law. Government employees and students must obtain ‘‘no objection’’ certificatesbefore travelling abroad, although this requirement is rarely enforced against students.Citizens regularly exercise the right to emigrate. However, an Exit Control List(ECL), which is made public but is constantly revised, is used to prevent the departureof wanted criminals and individuals under investigation for defaulting on loans,corruption, or other offenses. At the end of 1999, the HRCP estimated that therewere more than 5,000 entries on the ECL, including 400 PML leaders, all 45 MQMlegislators and their family members, 20 journalists, and as many as 3,000 allegedbank defaulters. The Musharraf Government increased the use of the ECL reportedlyto prevent those suspected of loan defaults or corruption from leaving the country.The focus apparently was on potential loan defaulters as part of the MusharrafGovernment’s emphasis on accountability. According to a press report, theMusharraf Government added approximately 3,000 names to the ECL. No judicialaction is required to add a name to the ECL; however, those named have the rightto appeal to the Secretary of Interior and, if refused, to the Advocate General of thesenior judiciary. In practice courts have directed the Government to lift restrictionson some politicians on the ECL. For example, Benazir Bhutto, former Prime Ministerand leader of the PPP, was placed on the ECL and was prevented from leavingthe country in December 1998. Bhutto was allowed to leave later that month followinga court order to lift the travel restrictions against her.Pakistan has not signed the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugeesor its 1967 Protocol and has not adopted domestic legislation concerning the treatmentof refugees. In December 1999, the office of the U.N. High Commissioner forRefugees (UNHCR) noted a change from the practice of granting ‘‘prima facie’’ statusto all Afghans in the country; under the new policy, all refugee determinationsare to be made on a case-by-case basis. However, means for screening Afghan refugeeshave not been established, and Pakistani law makes no provisions for asylum.The absence of legalized asylum, coupled with sharp economic competition, led toa more restrictive admissions policy and a deteriorating quality of life for some refugees.The Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizationsin assisting refugees. First asylum has been provided to refugees from Afghanistansince 1979, when several million Afghans fleeing Soviet occupation pouredacross the border. There remain an estimated 1.2 million Afghan refugees in thecountry who have been granted first asylum. There also are an estimated 2 to 3 millionunregistered Afghans in urban areas throughout the country.The Government has not granted permanent legal resettlement to Afghan refugeesbut allows them to live and work in the country. Many are self-supporting andlive outside refugee camps, which has resulted in some hostility among local communitieswhose residents resent the economic competition and believe that the refugeescontribute to high crime rates. The Government occasionally harasses refugeesand threatens them with deportation. For example, authorities in Quetta detaineda number of newly arrived Afghans, mostly non-Pashtun minorities, with plans todeport them. In December 1999, the UNHCR proposed that the Government establisha formal joint screening mechanism to determine whether or not the intendeddeportees are refugees according to internationally accepted standards. No such formalmechanism was established during the year, and the Government deportedsome persons without notifying UNHCR officials. However, the Government sometimesallowed the UNHCR to attempt to find solutions other than deportation forrefugees, such as arranging for resettlement in a third country.Most refugee camps are well established, and living conditions resemble those inneighboring villages, even though most direct assistance to the camps ended in theearly 1990’s. Most recent arrivals have gone to urban areas like Peshawar orQuetta, but some have settled in the new Akora Khattak camp (since 1996) and theShamshatoo camp (since 1999). Conditions for newly arrived Afghans generally areworse than conditions in the well-established camps. For example, sanitation, healthcare, shelter, and fresh water are ongoing problems in the new camps. Some of themost recent arrivals still reside in makeshift tents. In 1999 874 Afghan refugeesfrom Nasir Bagh camp were relocated to make room for construction of a new highwayand housing development. Some were taken to Akora Khattak camp; however,many reportedly returned to Afghanistan or moved to other locations in Pakistan.Relocations declined in late 1999 and did not occur during the year.According to Amnesty International, there was one report of the forced return ofa person to a country where he feared persecution during the year. Professor MohammadRahim Elhan, a prominent Afghan scholar who had accused the Govern-VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00151 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2163All factions probably hold poli
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2173violations of the rights to edu
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2175paper and firewood, shining sho
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2179central unit of its student win
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2181humiliating, painful punishment
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2191about 125 refugees and asylum s
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2195Indigenous People.—Tribal peo
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2233three Border Security Force mem
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2235fice owned by an NGO at Konung
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2251from women and children, gather
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2253The burning of churches continu
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- Page 107 and 108: 2263illustration of the consequence
- Page 109 and 110: 2265The Government has permitted pr
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- Page 117 and 118: 2273pali Congress Party flags. A bo
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- Page 137 and 138: 2293then another FIR is activated a
- Page 139 and 140: 2295Farooq Sattar was arrested by o
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- Page 155 and 156: 2311sioners review blasphemy cases
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- Page 159 and 160: 2315late head of the Board of Inter
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- Page 165 and 166: 2321these services to a few core ar
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- Page 175 and 176: 2331during the year and in previous
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- Page 179 and 180: 2335persons tried on criminal charg
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- Page 183 and 184: 2339thor, remained subject to gover
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- Page 187 and 188: 2343September 29, the Center for Mo
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