2296rule, ruled that it was legal for the Musharraf Government to amend the Constitutionas long as the amendments do not change the basic character of the Constitution,and reserved the right to review the military’s performance and the continuednecessity of the Emergency Proclamation and the PCO. Many observers criticizedthe Supreme Court decision as vague and contradictory.The judicial system involves several court systems with overlapping and sometimescompeting jurisdictions. There are civil and criminal systems with specialcourts for banking, antinarcotics, and anti-terrorist cases, as well as the federalShariat court for certain Hudood offenses. The appeals process in the civil systemis: Civil court, district court, High Court, and the Supreme Court. In the criminalsystem, the progression is magistrate, sessions court, High Court, and the SupremeCourt.The judiciary has argued that it has failed to try and convict terrorist suspectsin a timely manner because of poor police casework, prosecutorial negligence, andthe resulting lack of evidence. In response to this problem, the Sharif Governmentpassed the Anti-terrorist Act in 1997; special anti-terrorist courts began operationin August 1997. The anti-terrorist courts, designed for the speedy punishment ofterrorist suspects, have special streamlined procedures; however, due to the continuedintimidation of witnesses, police, and judges, the courts produced only a handfulof convictions in 1998. Under the act, terrorist killings are punishable by death andany act, including speech, intended to stir up religious hatred, is punishable by upto 7 years’ rigorous imprisonment. Cases are to be decided within 7 working days,but judges are free to extend the period of time as required. Trials in absentia werepermitted, but then subsequently prohibited in October 1998. Appeals to an appellatetribunal also were required to take no more than 7 days, but appellate authoritysince has been restored to the High and Supreme Courts, under which thesetime limits do not apply. Under the Anti-terrorist Act, bail is not to be granted ifthe court has reasonable grounds to believe that the accused is guilty.Leading members of the judiciary, human rights groups, the press, and politiciansfrom a number of parties expressed strong reservations about the anti-terroristcourts, charging that they constitute a parallel judicial system and could be usedas tools of political repression. Government officials and police believed that the deterrenteffect of the act’s death penalty provisions contributed to the reduction insectarian violence after its passage. The anti-terrorist courts also are empowered totry persons accused of particularly ‘‘heinous’’ crimes, such as gang rape and childkillings, and several persons have been tried, convicted, and executed under theseprovisions. In 1997 cases filed under Section 295 (a) of the Penal Code (one of theso-called blasphemy laws—see Section 2.c.) were transferred to the anti-terroristcourts. Human rights advocates feared that if blasphemy cases were tried in theanti-terrorist courts, alleged blasphemers, who in the past normally were grantedbail or released for lack of evidence were likely to be convicted, given the less stringentrules of evidence required under the Anti-terrorist Act.In November 1998, Nawaz Sharif announced the establishment of military courtsin Karachi, which had been under Governor’s Rule since October 1998. These courtswere to try cases involving heinous acts and terrorism, which the Government statedwere a serious challenge to public authority that the existing court system wasinadequate to address. They were intended to bring swifter justice to the city, whichhad been plagued by terrorism, violence, and a general breakdown in law and order.Military courts began operation in December 1998. In January 1999, the SupremeCourt ruled in an interim decision that military trial courts could not impose thedeath penalty. On February 17, 1999, the Supreme Court ruled that the militarycourts were unconstitutional and ordered the establishment of additional anti-terroristcourts; however, it allowed sentences already handed down by the militarycourts to stand. The anti-terrorist courts were to operate under the supervision oftwo Supreme Court justices, and courts of first instance and appellate courts wereto render decisions within 7 days; in practice, this did not occur. Consequently inApril 1999, the Sharif Government promulgated an ordinance transferring casesfrom military trial courts to anti-terrorist courts and expanded the jurisdiction tocover the same types of offenses as the military courts, including murder, gang rape,and child molestation. An April 1999 ordinance made strikes and go-slows illegalas ‘‘civil commotion’’ offenses; both are punishable by incarceration and fines (seeSections 2.b. and 6.a.). In December 1999, the Musharraf Government again modifiedthe Anti-terrorist Act by adding a number of additional offenses, including actsto outrage religious feelings; efforts to ‘‘wage war against the state’’; conspiracy; actscommitted in abetting an offense; and kidnaping or abduction to confine a person.By ordinance the Musharraf regime created a special anti-terrorist court in Sindhpresided over by a High Court justice rather than a lower level judge, as is usuallythe case. The amended provision permits the High Court justice to ‘‘transfer . . . anyVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00140 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2297case pending before any other special court . . . and try the case’’ in his court. Supportersof Nawaz Sharif maintained that these changes were designed to help theMusharraf regime prosecute Sharif.The trial of Nawaz Sharif and six codefendants on charges of hijacking was themost widely publicized case tried by an Anti-terrorist court during the year. OnApril 6, Sharif was found guilty of hijacking and terrorism and sentenced to twoterms of life imprisonment (to be served consecutively), an unspecified fine, 5 years’rigorous imprisonment in lieu of non-payment of the fine, forfeiture of all property,and a fine to compensate the 198 passengers and crew of the flight. Judge Jaffreyruled that there was insufficient evidence to arraign Sharif on four offenses relatedto ‘‘waging war against the state’’ and criminal conspiracy; the charges weredropped. The six codefendants were found not guilty; however, they were still incustody at year’s end on a ‘‘maintenance of public order charge.’’Diplomatic observers who attended the Sharif trial concluded that the trial generallywas fair, open, and transparent. The defendants were given free choice of andready access to counsel. Diplomats and the media were granted free daily trial accessand newspapers frequently reported on defense attorneys’ criticism of GeneralMusharraf and the army. In February the prosecution asked the judge to restrictmedia coverage of court statements by the accused. Judge Jaffrey rejected the prosecution’spetition; however, the court reserved the right to prevent publication ofsensitive national security data. Nawaz Sharif and his defense counsel expressed‘‘full confidence’’ in the court. The prosecution appealed the codefendants’ acquittalsand Sharif’s life sentences, arguing for the death penalty, and the defense appealedSharif’s conviction in the Sindh High Court in a trial that courtroom observers consideredfree and fair. On October 30, the appeals court upheld Nawaz Sharif’s convictionsfor hijacking and terrorism but combined them into one offense. The courtalso denied the prosecution appeal to upgrade Nawaz’s sentence to the death penalty,reduced the amount of property forfeiture, and affirmed the antiterrorismcourt’s acquittals of the six codefendants.By ordinance, the Musharraf regime created the National Accountability Bureauand special accountability courts to try corruption cases. The NAB was created inpart to deal with as much as $4 billion (approximately PRs 208 billion) that is estimatedto be owed to the country’s banks (all of which are state-owned) by debtors,mainly from among the wealthy elite. The Musharraf Government stated that itwould not target genuine business failures or small defaulters and does not appearto have done so. The NAB was given broad powers to prosecute such cases, and theaccountability courts were expected to try cases within 30 days. The ordinance prohibitscourts from granting bail and gives the NAB chairman sole power to decideif and when to release detainees. The ordinance also allows those suspected by theState Bank of Pakistan of defaulting on government loans or of corrupt practicesto be detained for 90 days without charge and, prior to being charged, does not allowaccess to counsel. During the year, many persons that were apprehended under theNAB ordinance remained in detention without charge for longer than 90 days (seeSection 1.d.). In accountability cases, there is a presumption of guilt, and convictionunder the ordinance can result in 14 years’ imprisonment; fines; and confiscationof property. Those convicted also are disqualified from running for office or holdingoffice for 21 years. On August 11, the Government announced that persons with acourt conviction would be barred from holding party office.The Musharraf regime denied press reports that it had decided not to pursue accountabilitycases against active members of the military or the judiciary; however,no serving members of the military or the judiciary have been charged by the NAB.In June the Government announced that NAB had arrested 132 persons to date; 82persons were in detention, 53 were held in judicial lockups, and 29 were in the bureau’scustody. A published list of persons charged with corruption by the NAB includedformer Prime Ministers Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. On November 19,1999, MQM leader and former mayor of Karachi Dr. Farooq Sattar was arrested ona corruption charge by the NAB. He was held for more than three months in prisonwithout access to counsel and was transferred from Karachi to Attock Fort, a highsecurityarmy facility in NWFP in February. Sattar was convicted on July 14 andsentenced to 14 years’ rigorous imprisonment, a $1 million (PRs 50 million) fine,and 21 years of political disqualification. Sattar’s lawyers complained about violationsof due process and the remote venue of the trial.The civil judicial system provides for an open trial, the presumption of innocence,cross-examination by an attorney, and appeal of sentences. Attorneys are appointedfor indigents only in capital cases. There are no jury trials. Due to the limited numberof judges, the heavy backlog of cases, and lengthy court procedures, cases routinelytake years, and defendants must make frequent court appearances. Casesstart over when an attorney changes. Under both the Hudood and standard criminalVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00141 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2163All factions probably hold poli
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2165and unexploded ordnance. Nevert
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2167bade non-Muslims from living in
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2169tion of most of the country. Go
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2171Women accused of adultery also
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2173violations of the rights to edu
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2175paper and firewood, shining sho
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2177ister made remarks implying tha
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2179central unit of its student win
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2181humiliating, painful punishment
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2183ment of the split verdict in th
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2185The court system has two levels
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2187received death threats a few we
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2189ference, but on August 15 (the
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2191about 125 refugees and asylum s
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2193Section 5. Discrimination Based
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2195Indigenous People.—Tribal peo
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2197ers have the right to strike in
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2199sites, carry fruit, vegetables,
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2201based in the Department of Wome
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2203turn to the country, beat them,
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2205antinational crimes, including
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2207order to be eligible for nomina
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2209Children.—The Government has
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2211resentatives of the Nepalese Go
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2213east; continued detention throu
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2215Accountability remains a seriou
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2217The Disturbed Areas Act has bee
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2219lice courtyard in Punjab, appar
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2221the NLFT was retaliating for a
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2223The Ministry of Home Affairs re
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2225One of the suspects subsequentl
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2227human rights organization. The
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2229sions would seriously affect hu
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2231ment. There are effective chann
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2233three Border Security Force mem
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2235fice owned by an NGO at Konung
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2237nated, but many of its members
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2239ever, no further information wa
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2241The Tamil Nadu government provi
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2243According to HRW, on April 20,
- Page 89 and 90: 2245and branded her with hot iron r
- Page 91 and 92: 2247also concerned about the lack o
- Page 93 and 94: 2249rights of the mentally ill and
- Page 95 and 96: 2251from women and children, gather
- Page 97 and 98: 2253The burning of churches continu
- Page 99 and 100: 2255suspected of belonging to an up
- Page 101 and 102: 2257Bonded labor, the result of a p
- Page 103 and 104: 2259ment officials more aware of th
- Page 105 and 106: 2261and ‘‘inhuman treatment.’
- Page 107 and 108: 2263illustration of the consequence
- Page 109 and 110: 2265The Government has permitted pr
- Page 111 and 112: 2267lations governing Internet acce
- Page 113 and 114: 2269Women traditionally have played
- Page 115 and 116: 2271In 1997 the Government for the
- Page 117 and 118: 2273pali Congress Party flags. A bo
- Page 119 and 120: 2275The authorities are more likely
- Page 121 and 122: 2277of the monarch who allegedly ki
- Page 123 and 124: 2279the Government generally does n
- Page 125 and 126: 2281areas along the country’s bor
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- Page 129 and 130: 2285e. Acceptable Conditions of Wor
- Page 131 and 132: 2287Provisional Constitutional Orde
- Page 133 and 134: 2289assailants killed a leader of t
- Page 135 and 136: 2291ditions, Sindh Inspector Genera
- Page 137 and 138: 2293then another FIR is activated a
- Page 139: 2295Farooq Sattar was arrested by o
- Page 143 and 144: 2299The Hudood ordinances criminali
- Page 145 and 146: 2301The Penal Code mandates the dea
- Page 147 and 148: 2303cast on television; however, so
- Page 149 and 150: 2305which stipulated a sentence of
- Page 151 and 152: 2307ties at times prevent political
- Page 153 and 154: 2309fair. Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan
- Page 155 and 156: 2311sioners review blasphemy cases
- Page 157 and 158: 2313of Shari’a (see Section 1.c.)
- Page 159 and 160: 2315late head of the Board of Inter
- Page 161 and 162: 2317Courts also may order that chil
- Page 163 and 164: 2319portedly spared the two Muslim
- Page 165 and 166: 2321these services to a few core ar
- Page 167 and 168: 2323centers and 146 larger centers
- Page 169 and 170: 2325administration in Multan approa
- Page 171 and 172: 2327fore their mandates expired, se
- Page 173 and 174: 2329moved many detainees to another
- Page 175 and 176: 2331during the year and in previous
- Page 177 and 178: 2333The LTTE was responsible for a
- Page 179 and 180: 2335persons tried on criminal charg
- Page 181 and 182: 2337the other by the LTTE. The bord
- Page 183 and 184: 2339thor, remained subject to gover
- Page 185 and 186: 2341bombs exploded in the hall of t
- Page 187 and 188: 2343September 29, the Center for Mo
- Page 189 and 190: 2345a strong commitment to children
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2347All workers, other than civil s
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23491999, the LTTE began a program