2300terrorist courts. By law the police need a warrant to search a house, but not tosearch a person. Despite this law, police have entered homes without a warrant andsometimes stole valuables during searches. In the absence of a warrant, a policemanis subject to charges of criminal trespass. However, police seldom are punished forillegal entry.The Government maintains several domestic intelligence services that monitorpoliticians, political activists, suspected terrorists, and suspected foreign intelligenceagents. Credible reports indicate that the authorities routinely use wiretaps andintercept and open mail. In 1997 the Supreme Court directed the Government toseek its permission before carrying out wiretapping or eavesdropping operations.The judiciary’s directive has been widely ignored. A case in which it was allegedthat 12 government agencies tapped and monitored citizens’ telephone calls still waspending in the Supreme Court at year’s end.Police sometimes arrest and detain relatives of wanted persons to compel themto surrender. In some cases, the authorities have detained entire families in orderto force a relative who was the recipient of an arrest warrant to surrender (see Section1.d.). While the Government generally does not interfere with the right tomarry, the Government on occasion assists influential families to prevent marriagesthey oppose. For example, in July 1999, police in Mirpurkas District, Sindh raidedthe home of Javed Dal, who had eloped with his cousin, and arrested his familymembers as hostages. His wife’s father, Somar Dal, used his influence as a memberof the Sindh National Front Executive <strong>Committee</strong> to instigate the arrests, whichwere carried out without warrants (see Section 5). The authorities also fail to prosecutevigorously cases in which families punish members (generally women) formarrying or seeking a divorce against the wishes of other family members. In JuneMumlikat Bibi was killed in her parents’ home in the village of Yar Hussain in theNWFP. Her father, who reportedly opposed Bibi’s efforts to choose a spouse withoutparental consent, was accused of being the culprit (see Section 5).Upon conversion to Islam, the marriages of Jewish or Christian men remain legal;however, upon conversion to Islam, the marriages of Jewish or Christian women,or of other non-Muslims, that were performed under the rites of the previous religionare considered dissolved (see Section 2.c.).The Frontier Crimes Regulation, the separate legal system in the FATA, permitscollective responsibility, and empowers the authorities to detain innocent membersof the suspect’s tribe, or blockade an entire village (see Sections 1.c. and 1.d.). TheGovernment demolished the houses of several alleged criminals, as well as thehomes of those who reportedly tolerated nearby criminal activity.On December 13, 1999, a Shariat court established by the Tehrik-i-Tulaba, an extremistgroup in Orakzai Tribal Agency, fined six alleged accomplices to a killing,and burned down their homes as punishment. On December 29, 1999, there wereriots in Karachi in response to the demolition by security forces of up to 300 homesin the low-income Gharibabad neighborhood, which is widely considered to be anMQM-Altaf stronghold. Authorities claimed that the homes were built without permitsand that they sheltered terrorists and criminals. In March police personnel arrestedtwo persons from Mullah Said village following an incident in which severalpersons from the village shot at residents of the neighboring Badan village (see Section1.d.).Provincial governments sometimes forcibly moved landless laborers from theirtemporary camps. For example, in October local government officials forcibly moved900 persons who recently had been freed from bonded labor from their temporarycamps in Sikandarabad in Kotri district (see Section 6.c.).Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:a. Freedom of Speech and Press.—The suspended Constitution provided for freedomof speech and of the press, and citizens generally are free to discuss publicissues; however, some journalists practice a degree of self-censorship. In contrast tothe Sharif Government, the Musharraf Government did not attempt to exercise directcontrol over views expressed in the print media. Newspaper editorials and commentatorsare increasingly critical of the Government; however, direct criticism ofthe military is rare. Investigative journalism is rare; instead the press acts freelyto publish charges and countercharges by named and unnamed parties and individualsrepresenting competing political and social interests. Both governmental andnongovernmental entities sometimes pay for favorable media coverage.Prior to the 1999 coup, any person deemed to have damaged the Constitution, includingthe publication of statements against the spirit of the Constitution, couldbe prosecuted for treason. However, prosecutions under this provision were rare.The suspended Constitution also prohibited the ridicule of Islam, the armed forces,or the judiciary.VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00144 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2301The Penal Code mandates the death sentence for anyone defiling the name of theProphet Mohammad, life imprisonment for desecrating the Koran, and up to 10years in prison for insulting another’s religious beliefs with the intent to outragereligious feelings (see Section 2.c.). The Anti-terrorist Act stipulates imprisonmentwith rigorous labor for up to 7 years for using abusive or insulting words, or possessingor distributing written or recorded material, with the intent to stir up sectarianhatred. No warrant is required to seize such material. While the Anti-terroristAct was partially suspended in 1998, the Sharif Government promulgated newAnti-terrorist Ordinances in October 1998 and in April 1999.In March police in Hyderabad registered criminal cases against Kulsoom Nawazand 15 other PML leaders for making ‘‘provocative’’ speeches at a party conventionheld the previous day.The competitive nature of politics helps to ensure press freedom since the mediaoften serve as a forum for political parties, commercial, religious, and various otherinterests to compete with and criticize each other publicly. Although the press doesnot criticize Islam as such, leaders of religious parties and movements are not exemptfrom public scrutiny and criticism. The press traditionally has avoided negativecoverage of the armed forces, and the Office of Inter-Services Public Relations(ISPR) has served to hold press coverage of military matters under close restraint.Officially the ISPR closely controls and coordinates the release of military news andaccess to military sources. After the 1999 coup, journalists reported no attempts bythe ISPR agencies to influence editorial content.Detailed public discussion of the military as an institution is hampered severelysince any published discussion, let alone criticism, of the defense budget is proscribedby law. However, in 1997 this code of silence was undermined when a NationalAssembly committee discussed defense appropriations and corruption in defensecontracts in open session, thereby making possible (and legal) newspaper coverageof the same issues. Discussion of the defense budget continued during theyear, especially in the English-language press. Personnel changes among seniorarmy officers in September were widely discussed in the press and newspapers publishedcalls for extending the accountability process to include former military officers.Government leaks are not uncommon, but are managed carefully, and often aremade to underpaid journalists who are on the unofficial payrolls of competing interests.Reports of intimidation, heavy-handed surveillance, and legal action to quietthe unduly curious or nondeferential reporter were common in the past; however,these reports have declined significantly since the coup. The Government has hadconsiderable leverage over the press through its substantial budget for advertisingand public interest campaigns and its control over the supply of newsprint and itsability to enforce regulations. Human rights groups, journalists, and opposition figuresaccused the Government of attempting to silence journalists and public figures;however, there were fewer such complaints during the year. On July 1, the Governmentended its monopoly of newsprint supply and did not initiate new efforts to collectback taxes from selected newspapers. On August 28, the Government announceda draft ordinance for freedom of information, which would require everygovernment office to designate a freedom of information officer who would be responsiblefor providing replies to written applications within 21 days. However, theact excludes all classified documents and does not define what constitutes classifiedinformation. By year’s end, this ordinance has not been enacted. On December 30,the Government declassified the Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report, whichcriticizes the conduct of political and military leaders during the 1971 war withIndia.On April 29, a newspaper reported that police attacked and arrested 150 journalistsfrom Islamabad and Rawalpindi during a peaceful protest (see Sections 1.d. and2.b.). In May journalists in Abbotabad accused the local army monitoring cell ofharassing Shuja Ahmad, president of a local organization of journalists. On August22, several unknown assailants attacked Mazhar Tufail, a journalist from the Awamnewspaper (see Section 1.c.). The journalist claimed that his assailants were governmentagents who wanted information on his activities. On August 30, police inDadu, Sindh arrested and charged with theft four journalists who reportedly criticizedthe police; authorities released the journalists after 4 days (see Section 1.d.).On July 10, police personnel entered the Lahore Press Club during a press conferenceand arrested the leader of the All Pakistan Traders Alliance, Umer Sailya.During the press conference, Sailya had criticized Musharraf and the military. InOctober a team of army monitors demanded immediate access to the premises of theDawn newspaper and threatened to cut off power if refused; this occurred after theeditors of Dawn received an unsigned letter threatening retaliatory action for recentarticles criticizing the Government. However, many reputable journalists stated thatVerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00145 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2233three Border Security Force mem
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2235fice owned by an NGO at Konung
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- Page 93 and 94: 2249rights of the mentally ill and
- Page 95 and 96: 2251from women and children, gather
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- Page 99 and 100: 2255suspected of belonging to an up
- Page 101 and 102: 2257Bonded labor, the result of a p
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- Page 105 and 106: 2261and ‘‘inhuman treatment.’
- Page 107 and 108: 2263illustration of the consequence
- Page 109 and 110: 2265The Government has permitted pr
- Page 111 and 112: 2267lations governing Internet acce
- Page 113 and 114: 2269Women traditionally have played
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- Page 117 and 118: 2273pali Congress Party flags. A bo
- Page 119 and 120: 2275The authorities are more likely
- Page 121 and 122: 2277of the monarch who allegedly ki
- Page 123 and 124: 2279the Government generally does n
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- Page 131 and 132: 2287Provisional Constitutional Orde
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- Page 137 and 138: 2293then another FIR is activated a
- Page 139 and 140: 2295Farooq Sattar was arrested by o
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- Page 149 and 150: 2305which stipulated a sentence of
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- Page 155 and 156: 2311sioners review blasphemy cases
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- Page 159 and 160: 2315late head of the Board of Inter
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- Page 165 and 166: 2321these services to a few core ar
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- Page 169 and 170: 2325administration in Multan approa
- Page 171 and 172: 2327fore their mandates expired, se
- Page 173 and 174: 2329moved many detainees to another
- Page 175 and 176: 2331during the year and in previous
- Page 177 and 178: 2333The LTTE was responsible for a
- Page 179 and 180: 2335persons tried on criminal charg
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- Page 183 and 184: 2339thor, remained subject to gover
- Page 185 and 186: 2341bombs exploded in the hall of t
- Page 187 and 188: 2343September 29, the Center for Mo
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