2304Police accused the protesters of throwing stones and bricks; however, eyewitnessesalleged that the police opened fire without provocation.The authorities sometimes prevented leaders of politico-religious parties fromtraveling to certain areas if they believed their presence would increase sectariantensions or cause public violence (see Section 2.d.).The suspended Constitution provided for freedom of association subject to restrictionby government ordinance and law; however, the Government maintained somelimits on this right. While these ordinances and laws apparently have not been usedsince the martial law period, the Sharif Government revoked the licenses of almost2,000 NGO’s in Punjab. After the coup, the government of Punjab lifted the ban onthe registration of new NGO’s, but the old NGO’s remained without licenses atyear’s end. Overall, NGO’s reported improved relations with the Government duringthe year (see Section 4). There are no banned groups or parties.c. Freedom of Religion.—The suspended Constitution provided for freedom of religion,and stated that adequate provisions shall be made for minorities to professand practice their religions freely; however, the Government imposes a range of limitson freedom of religion. Pakistan is an Islamic republic in which approximately95 percent of the population is Muslim. The majority of the population is SunniMuslim, but an estimated 15 percent of the population is Shi’a. The suspended Constitutionrequired that laws be consistent with Islam and imposed some elementsof Koranic law on both Muslims and religious minorities. In July General Musharrafamended the PCO in order to incorporate the Islamic provisions of the suspendedConstitution, which include the definition of ‘‘Muslim’’ and ‘‘non-Muslim’’ and proceduresregarding Shariat courts. While there is no law establishing the Koranicdeath penalty for apostates (those who convert from Islam), social pressure againstapostasy is so powerful that most such conversions take place in secret. Reprisalsand threats of reprisals against suspected converts are common. Members of religiousminorities are subject to violence and harassment, and police at times refuseto prevent such actions or charge persons who commit them.In the Malakand division and the Kohistan district of the NWFP, ordinances requirethat ‘‘all cases, suits, inquiries, matters, and proceedings in the courts shallbe decided in accordance with Shari’a.’’ These ordinances define Shari’a as the injunctionsfound in both the Koran and the Sunna. Islamic law judges with the assistanceof the Ulema (Islamic scholars), under the general supervision of the PeshawarHigh Court, try all court cases in the Malakand Division and the Kohistan District.Elsewhere in the country, partial provisions of Shari’a apply. For example, policeare authorized to arrest or fine Muslims who eat or smoke in public places duringRamadan. In 1998 then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, proposed an amendmentto the Constitution (the 15th Amendment) that would have imposed Shari’athroughout the country; minority religious groups feared that the implementationof this amendment would have restricted further the freedom to practice religionsother than Islam. However, the Musharraf Government did not enact the proposed15th Amendment and reportedly has no plans to do so.Discriminatory religious legislation has added to an atmosphere of religious intolerance,which has led to acts of violence directed against minority Muslim sects, aswell as against Christians, Hindus, and members of Muslim offshoot sects, such asAhmadis and Zikris (see Section 5).The Ahmadis are subject to specific restrictions under law. A 1974 constitutionalamendment declared Ahmadis to be a non-Muslim minority because, according tothe Government, they do not accept Mohammed as the last prophet of Islam. However,Ahmadis regard themselves as Muslims and observe Islamic practices. In 1984the Government inserted Section 298(c) into the Penal Code, prohibiting Ahmadisfrom calling themselves Muslim and banning them from using Islamic words,phrases, and greetings. The constitutionality of Section 298(c) was upheld in a splitdecisionSupreme Court case in 1996. The punishment for violation of this sectionis imprisonment for up to 3 years and a fine. The Government and anti-Ahmadi religiousgroups have used this provision extensively to harass Ahmadis. Ahmadis sufferfrom various restrictions of religious freedom and widespread societal discrimination,including violation of their places of worship, being barred from burial inMuslim graveyards, denial of freedom of faith, speech, and assembly, and restrictionson their press. Several Ahmadi mosques remained closed. Since 1984 Ahmadishave been prohibited from holding conferences or gatherings (see Section 2.b.).Ahmadis are prohibited from taking part in the Hajj (the annual Muslim pilgrimageto Mecca). Some popular newspapers publish anti-Ahmadi ‘‘conspiracy’’ stories,which contribute to anti-Ahmadi sentiments in society.Section 295(a), the blasphemy provision of the Penal Code, originally stipulateda maximum 2-year sentence for insulting the religion of any class of citizens. Thissentence was increased to 10 years in 1991. In 1982 Section 295(b) was added,VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00148 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2305which stipulated a sentence of life imprisonment for ‘‘whoever willfully defiles, damages,or desecrates a copy of the holy Koran.’’ In 1986 another amendment, Section295(c), established the death penalty or life imprisonment for directly or indirectlydefiling ‘‘the sacred name of the holy Prophet Mohammed.’’ In 1991 a court struckdown the option of life imprisonment. These laws, especially Section 295(c), havebeen used by rivals and local authorities to threaten, punish, or intimidateAhmadis, Christians, and even orthodox Muslims. No one has been executed by theState under any of these provisions, although religious extremists have killed somepersons accused under them. Since 1996 magistrates have been required to investigateallegations of blasphemy to see whether they are credible before filing formalcharges. On April 21, the Government announced its intention to require that deputycommissioners review all blasphemy cases prior to the filing of a FIR (see Section1.c.); however, General Musharraf later reversed this decision due to strongpressure from some Muslim groups. On May 11, police arrested approximately 300Muslim clerics and students in Lahore during protests against Musharraf’s proposedchanges to the blasphemy laws (see Sections 1.c., 1.d., and 2.b.). According toAhmadi sources, approximately 3 dozen Ahmadis have been charged under the blasphemylaws since the October 1999 coup. For example, in October police arrestedNasir Ahmad of Rajanpur district under Section 295(b) for allegedly defiling a copyof the Koran. Mushtaq Ahmad Saggon and Nasir Ahmad, were convicted inMuzaffargarh in July 1999 under Sections 295(a) and 295(c) for preaching and distributingreligious literature. Their case was transferred to an anti-terrorist courtat Dera Ghazi Khan, and the Lahore High Court denied their request for bail.In May a lower court in Sialkot district, Punjab, sentenced two Christian brothersto 35 years’ imprisonment each and fined them each $1,500 (PRs 75,000). The brotherswere convicted of desecrating the Koran and blaspheming the Prophet Mohammed;both cases were registered by an ice cream vendor who allegedly fought withthe brothers after he asked them to use their own dishes, stating that his were reservedfor Muslim customers. Lawyers for the brothers filed an appeal in the LahoreHigh Court. On May 2, Augustine Ashiq Masih was charged with blaspheming theProphet in Faisalabad. According to press reports, Masih converted to Islam, marrieda Muslim woman, and then converted back to Christianity, which angered localMuslims who brought the charges against him. Ayub Masih (detained since 1996)was convicted of blasphemy for making favorable comments about Salman Rushdie,the author of the controversial book, ‘‘The Satanic Verses,’’ and was sentenced todeath in April 1998. Ayub’s family and 13 other landless Christian families wereforced from their village in 1996 following the charges, and he survived an attempton his life in 1997, when he was shot at outside of the courtroom while in trial.The case was pending appeal before the Lahore High Court at year’s end.Police also arrest Muslims under the blasphemy laws; government officials maintainthat about two-thirds of the total blasphemy cases that have been brought totrial have affected Muslims. In February Muhammad Younis was sentenced to 13months in jail in Multan for uttering derogatory remarks about the companions ofthe Prophet Mohammad. In March an anti-terrorist court in Sindh convicted Muslimauthor Gohar Shahi in absentia under the blasphemy laws. On August 5, AbdulHasnain Muhammad Yusuf Aliwas was given a death sentence and 35 years’ imprisonmentby a Lahore court after being convicted under Sections 295(a), 295(c),and 298 for defiling the name of the Prophet Muhammad. Some of Ali’s supportersclaim that he was being persecuted for his allegedly unorthodox Islamic beliefs. InAugust Abdul Hasnain Muhammad Yusuf Ali, a Sufi Muslim was convicted of blasphemyunder Sections 295(a) and 295(c) for defiling the name of the Prophet Muhammad.A Lahore court sentenced Ali to death. On October 4, police arrestedYunis Shaikh on blasphemy charges after he allegedly made remarks offensive toIslam and to the Prophet Mohammad during a lecture. Police denied bail and hewas awaiting trial at year’s end. In 1998 a Shi’a Muslim, Ghulam Akbar, was convictedof blasphemy for allegedly making derogatory remarks about the Prophet Mohammedin 1995. He was sentenced to death, the first time a Muslim had been sentencedto death for a violation of the blasphemy law. The case remained under appealat year’s end.When blasphemy and other religious cases are brought to court, extremists oftenpack the courtroom and make public threats about the consequences of an acquittal.As a result, judges and magistrates often continue trials indefinitely, and the accusedis burdened with further legal costs and court appearances. Many judges alsotry to pass such cases to other jurists.The Government distinguishes between Muslims and non-Muslims with regard topolitical rights. In national and local elections, Muslims vote for Muslim candidatesby geographic locality while non-Muslims must vote for at-large non-Muslim can-VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00149 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.036 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2163All factions probably hold poli
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2165and unexploded ordnance. Nevert
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2175paper and firewood, shining sho
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2179central unit of its student win
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2181humiliating, painful punishment
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2183ment of the split verdict in th
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2189ference, but on August 15 (the
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2191about 125 refugees and asylum s
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2195Indigenous People.—Tribal peo
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2215Accountability remains a seriou
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2217The Disturbed Areas Act has bee
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2223The Ministry of Home Affairs re
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2227human rights organization. The
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2231ment. There are effective chann
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2233three Border Security Force mem
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2235fice owned by an NGO at Konung
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2241The Tamil Nadu government provi
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2243According to HRW, on April 20,
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2251from women and children, gather
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- Page 107 and 108: 2263illustration of the consequence
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- Page 117 and 118: 2273pali Congress Party flags. A bo
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- Page 137 and 138: 2293then another FIR is activated a
- Page 139 and 140: 2295Farooq Sattar was arrested by o
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- Page 159 and 160: 2315late head of the Board of Inter
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- Page 165 and 166: 2321these services to a few core ar
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- Page 175 and 176: 2331during the year and in previous
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- Page 179 and 180: 2335persons tried on criminal charg
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- Page 183 and 184: 2339thor, remained subject to gover
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- Page 187 and 188: 2343September 29, the Center for Mo
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