2234and regularly publish press releases of militant Kashmiri groups. The authoritiesgenerally allowed foreign journalists to travel freely in Jammu and Kashmir, wherethey regularly spoke with militant leaders and filed reports on government abuses.In Assam the state government has attempted to impede criticism by filing anumber of criminal defamation charges against journalists.In October 1998, the Manipur government announced curbs on the publication ofinsurgency-related news. The publication of insurgents’ press releases, public invitationsto slain militants’ funerals, and calls to boycott Republic Day and IndependenceDay functions were prohibited. Penalties for violating the prohibition includedarrest and criminal prosecution of newspaper owners and editors, and cancellationof newspapers’ registration. These restrictions continued during the year.The Press Council of India is a statutory body of journalists, publishers, academics,and politicians, with a chairman appointed by the Government. Designedto be a self-regulating mechanism for the press, it investigates complaints of irresponsiblejournalism and sets a code of conduct for publishers. This code includesa commitment not to publish articles or details that might incite caste or communalviolence. The Council publicly criticizes newspapers or journalists it believes havebroken the code of conduct, but its findings, while noted by the press community,carry no legal weight.At the state level, regional political parties have the ability to control regionalmedia. In some instances, allegations of violence against journalists have been madeagainst state governments. According to Reporters Without Borders, on July 6, amagistrate in Sibsagar town, Assam, beat Parag Saikia, a journalist of the dailynewspaper Aji. The magistrate reportedly had summoned the journalist for publishinga July 1 article about the local authorities’ alleged involvement in corruption.The journalist later was admitted to the hospital with various injuries. BetweenJuly and August, in the state of Andhra Pradesh, state police obstructed orattacked journalists and photographers in at least 10 different cities as they attemptedto report on civil disturbances resulting from protests over power tariffhikes. The Andhra Pradesh Journalists’ Union claims that the state chief ministerof Andhra Pradesh played a role in the dismissal of the editor of the Telugu dailynewspaper Andhra Prabha. The editor reportedly was fired for publishing storiescritical of the state government’s power policy.Nonviolent pressure on journalists comes from official sources as well: the editorof the vernacular daily newspaper Naharolgi Thoudang was arrested on charges ofindulging in anti-national activities. He was released after a court ruled that theallegation was baseless. In Assam a similar incident occured as police interceptedthe editor of the largest circulating Assamese daily in April, accusing him of havingparticipated in a function organized by a militant organization. In April the AssamHuman Rights Commission requested the police to report on the detention ofAsomiya Pratidin editor Haider Hussain for visiting an ULFA camp in Bhutan; policedetained Hussain in the first week of March. The Commission cited the constitutionalguarantee of freedom of expression; Hussain was released several dayslater. Some newspapers receive more than $1.29 million (60 million rupees) annuallyin advertising revenue from the state government. The threat of losing this revenuecontributes to self-censorship by smaller media outlets, which heavily rely ongovernment advertising.In Calcutta the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) often threatensjournalists; however, as the power of the party diminishes, journalists find it easierto criticize the government. At least nine journalists were injured while attemptingto give a deputation to the director of information. The alleged assailants were stateinformation officers, government employees owing allegiance to the Marxist government.In July alleged members of the CPI(M) severely beat a team of three reportersand a cameraman of ETV, a new vernacular cable television channel. Anotherreporter was injured severely in state finance minister Asim Dasgupta’s constituencyduring municipal elections (see Section 3). On numerous occasions, CPI(M)supporters beat reporters of another Bengali cable channel, Khas Khobor. Earlierin the year, CPI(M) officially requested its supporters to boycott the channel. Thematter was resolved when a former CPI(M) activist replaced the editor.In the northeast part of the country, violence against journalists has become aproblem and results in significant self-censorship. On August 20, two unknown assailantsshot and killed Thounaojam Brajamani Singh, the editor of the ManipurNews, a daily newspaper published in Manipur. According to Reporters WithoutBorders, two men on a motorcycle followed Singh after he left the newspaper office.They overtook Singh and shot him in the head at point-blank range; Singh was theonly employee whom they targeted. Singh had received anonymous death threats onAugust 15. No one had claimed responsibility for the murder, and police investigationswere ongoing by year’s end. On August 26, militants bombed a newspaper of-VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00078 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.035 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
2235fice owned by an NGO at Konung Lampak, Manipur. Altogether, at least seven journalistshave been killed in Assam over the past decade. There was no further informationon the 1996 killing of journalist and human rights activist Parag Das inAssam (see Sections 1.a. and 4).On July 31, V. Selvaraj, a journalist with the biweekly Nakkeeran, was shot andkilled in Perambalur, Tamil Nadu. Thirteen persons were charged in connectionwith Selvaraj’s killing. A motive for the killing has not been established; however,local police maintain that there was personal enmity between Selvaraj and his 13assailants. The trial had not begun by year’s end.Intimidation by militant groups also causes significant selfcensorship. Accordingto the <strong>Committee</strong> to Protect Journalists, in January English-language newspapersthroughout Gujarat received written notice from the Bajrang Dal, a radical Hindunationalist group, threatening them with dire consequences if they continued topublish exaggerated reports of antiChristian violence (see Sections 2.c. and 5). In1999 Kashmiri militant groups threatened journalists and editors and even imposedtemporary bans on some publications that were critical of their activities.The Government maintains a list of banned books that may not be imported orsold in the country; some—like Salman Rushdie’s ‘‘Satanic Verses’’ because theycontain material government censors have deemed inflammatory.On February 16, customs agents at the Calcutta airport blocked the distributionof 3,000 issues of Time magazine because they contained a 1-page interview withthe brother of Mohandas Gandhi’s assassin, which they deemed would be defamatoryand derogatory to national prestige.Television no longer is a government monopoly, but this is due more to technologicalchanges than to government policy. Private satellite television is distributedwidely by cable or dish in middle-class neighborhoods throughout the country. Thesechannels have been providing substantial competition for Doordarshan (DDTV), thenational broadcaster, in both presentation and credibility because DDTV frequentlyis accused of manipulating the news for the benefit of the Government; however,cable operators are not free of criticism. In some parts of the country, to varyingdegrees, satellite channel owners use their medium to promote the platforms of thepolitical parties that they support.In late summer the Government proposed measures to control objectionable contenton satellite channels—specifically, tobacco and alcohol advertisements—thatwould hold cable distributors liable under civil law. As a result, cable operators inNew Delhi and some other areas held a 3-day blackout during the Olympic Gamesto demonstrate the gravity of their concern. The Government since has clarified itsposition, stating that the (often foreign) satellite broadcasters, rather than the domesticcable operators, fall within the scope of the regulation.AM radio broadcasting remains a government monopoly. Private FM radio stationownership was legalized during the year, but licenses only authorize entertainmentand educational content. Licenses do not permit independent news broadcasting.A government censorship board reviews films before licensing them for distribution.The board censors material deemed offensive to public morals or communalsentiment. During the year, Hindu fundamentalist groups resorted to violence anddisrupted the shooting of ‘‘Water,’’ a film involving the exploitation of widows, asthey claimed it offended Hindu sentiments. A 1999 film by the same producer/directorand cast, ‘‘Fire,’’ which dealt with lesbianism and which had been cleared by thecensor board, was not allowed to be screened in most states; only Madhya Pradeshand West Bengal took proactive steps to allow the film to be shown. At times offendedHindu mobs, led by members of the Shiv Sena, a Hindu fundamentalist politicalparty, provoked violence at movie theaters that were able to show the film.The fact that the lead actress of both films was a Muslim exacerbated tensions. Producersof video newsmagazines that appear on national television are required tosubmit their programs to Doordarshan, the government television channel, whichoccasionally has censored stories that portrayed the Government in an unfavorablelight. This has led to self-censorship among producers so that DDTV rarely has toexercise its power of censorship.The Government does not limit access to the Internet.Arundhati Roy’s book ‘‘The Greater Common Good,’’ which discusses the socio-environmentalcosts of the Sardar Sarovar dam, was serialized in magazines in thecountry during the year. In 1999 political parties in favor of the Narmada projectburned copies of the book and successfully threatened bookstores in Gujarat to removeit from their shelves.Citizens enjoy academic freedom, and students and faculty espouse a wide rangeof views. In addition to about 10 national universities and 256 state universities,states are empowered to accredit locally run private institutions.VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:46 Sep 20, 2001 Jkt 071555 PO 00000 Frm 00079 Fmt 6601 Sfmt 6621 F:\WORK\COUNTRYR\S71555\71555.035 HINTREL1 PsN: HINTREL1
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2163All factions probably hold poli
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2165and unexploded ordnance. Nevert
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2167bade non-Muslims from living in
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2173violations of the rights to edu
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2179central unit of its student win
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2181humiliating, painful punishment
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2287Provisional Constitutional Orde
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2333The LTTE was responsible for a
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2339thor, remained subject to gover
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23491999, the LTTE began a program