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International Handbook of Clinical Hypnosis - E-Lib FK UWKS

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98 INTERNATIONAL HANDBOOK OF CLINICAL HYPNOSIS<br />

1996; Pope & Brown, 1996; Schacter, 1996; Spanos, 1996; Terr, 1994; Yapko,<br />

1994), and I focus on the reporting <strong>of</strong> recovered memories <strong>of</strong> childhood abuse by<br />

adults who had not previously reported such memories. This type <strong>of</strong> reporting can<br />

be argued to involve the therapeutic recovery <strong>of</strong> repressed, true memories Briere &<br />

Conte, 1993; Courtois, 1992; Freyd, 1994; Herman & Schatzow, 1987; Olio, 1989;<br />

Pope, 1996; Williams, 1994, 1995). This type <strong>of</strong> reporting, however, can be argued<br />

to involve the creation <strong>of</strong> false memories Brenneis, 1994; Garry & L<strong>of</strong>tus, 1994;<br />

Lindsay & Read, 1994; L<strong>of</strong>tus, 1993; Lynn & Nash, 1994; Ofshe & Singer, 1994).<br />

As McConkey 1997; McConkey & Sheehan, 1995) pointed out, there are<br />

dif®culties involved in achieving a balanced and practical position on the issues<br />

associated with recovered memory <strong>of</strong> childhood abuse. Nevertheless, it is important<br />

to work with clients in a way that is pr<strong>of</strong>essionally defensible and therapeutically<br />

bene®cial. To help in this, I comment on: a) memory, repression, and recovered<br />

memory; b) hypnosis and memory; and c) guidelines for evidence-based practice.<br />

MEMORY, REPRESSION, AND RECOVERED MEMORY<br />

There is extensive evidence that memory is extremely susceptible to the in¯uence<br />

<strong>of</strong> suggestion, postevent information, and source confusion Belli & L<strong>of</strong>tus, 1996;<br />

Brainerd & Reyna, 1996; Conway, Collins, Gathercole & Anderson, 1996; Hyman<br />

& Pentland, 1996; McDermott, 1996; Mitchell & Zaragoza, 1996; Payne, Elie,<br />

Blackwell & Neuschatz, 1996; Read, 1996; Roediger, Jacoby & McDermott, 1996;<br />

Zaragoza & Mitchell, 1996). For instance, Zaragoza & Mitchell 1996) showed<br />

people a video <strong>of</strong> a burglary and then asked questions containing misleading<br />

suggestions, some <strong>of</strong> which were repeated; then, they tested memory for the source<br />

<strong>of</strong> the suggestions. Zaragoza & Mitchell 1996) found that, in comparison to<br />

subjects exposed to the suggestion only once, those exposed repeatedly were more<br />

likely to con®dently remember the suggested events from the video and to claim<br />

they could recall witnessing the suggested events.<br />

Despite the consistency and reliability <strong>of</strong> this type <strong>of</strong> ®nding, laboratory research<br />

has been rejected by some as irrelevant to the debate about recovered memory. For<br />

instance, Freyd & Gleaves 1996; Kristiansen, Felton & Hovdestad, 1996; van der<br />

Kolk, 1994; but see Roediger & McDermott, 1996) argued that laboratory research<br />

on memories <strong>of</strong> benign, arti®cially constructed stimuli tells us nothing about<br />

processes involved in memory for severely traumatic events. However, recognizing<br />

that memory is malleable does not mean recovered memories <strong>of</strong> childhood abuse<br />

are necessarily inaccurate; it simply means they are not necessarily accurate.<br />

Whereas there is clinical observation and personal anecdote that individuals may<br />

avoid or be unaware <strong>of</strong> threatening memories Martinez-Taboas, 1996), such<br />

memories can be in¯uenced by various cognitive and social events L<strong>of</strong>tus, 1993).<br />

In other words, there is no strong reason or evidence why memory for traumatic<br />

events should follow entirely different psychological principles from those followed

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