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International Handbook of Clinical Hypnosis - E-Lib FK UWKS

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144 INTERNATIONAL HANDBOOK OF CLINICAL HYPNOSIS<br />

gical trauma in relation to that. Firearms are the leading cause <strong>of</strong> death for young<br />

people in Texas. Physical trauma is a major cause <strong>of</strong> mortality and morbidity in the<br />

United States and that means that psychological syndromes which accompany<br />

trauma are a very prevalent part <strong>of</strong> our collective psychological experience. There<br />

are estimates that 12 million adult women have been raped in the United States and<br />

another 10 million have been victims <strong>of</strong> aggravated assault. Bowners, O'Gorman<br />

et al., 1991; Browne, 1993; Koss, 1993a, b; Koss, Heise et al., 1994). Edna Foa's<br />

work Foa & Riggs, 1993), and that <strong>of</strong> others, suggests that some two-thirds <strong>of</strong><br />

women who have been raped develop post-traumatic stress disorder, 45% have the<br />

disorder 3 months later, and among all rape victims regardless <strong>of</strong> time since the<br />

trauma, 15% suffer PTSD. It can be, it isn' t always, but it can be a lifelong<br />

disorder. Similarly studies <strong>of</strong> Vietnam era veterans indicate that somewhere between<br />

15 and 25% <strong>of</strong> veterans suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder Keane &<br />

Fairbank, 1983). This is a huge proportion <strong>of</strong> the population. While the majority <strong>of</strong><br />

people who have been through terrible trauma do not get post-traumatic stress<br />

disorder, a substantial minority do. This compels us to understand the phenomenology<br />

as a ®rst step to diagnosis and treatment.<br />

A BRIEF HISTORY OF PTSD<br />

There has been a tendency to slip into one <strong>of</strong> two mistaken extremes in regard to<br />

PTSD. One is a cynical attitude which implies that most patients are making up<br />

their symptoms for secondary gain. An example is a case in which an armored car<br />

driver was shot in the chest three times during a robbery. His two colleagues were<br />

killed as they were walking out <strong>of</strong> an elevator. The company he worked for objected<br />

to providing treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder. This was not some fantasy<br />

<strong>of</strong> childhood sexual abuse: he took three bullets in the chest and saw two <strong>of</strong> his<br />

friends die and yet there was doubt that he had genuine psychiatric symptoms<br />

afterwards. One <strong>of</strong> our pr<strong>of</strong>essional responsibilities is to have the kind <strong>of</strong> educated<br />

empathy to understand what it is like to go through this and be able to articulate<br />

that. Post-traumatic symptoms <strong>of</strong>ten involve considerable and frequently inappropriate)<br />

guilt about imagined or real lapses during the traumatic event. This can<br />

generalize into a sense <strong>of</strong> shame, reducing the willingness <strong>of</strong> patients with PTSD to<br />

talk about their symptoms.<br />

On the other hand, there is a victimology approach that can allow people to evade<br />

responsibility for all aspects <strong>of</strong> their lives because they have been victimized. For<br />

example, some patients with an axis II antisocial personality disorder may be<br />

looking for an excuse to blame everybody else for their problems in living.<br />

The concept <strong>of</strong> post-traumatic stress disorder has had a rather checkered history.<br />

It has tended to emerge largely in the aftermath <strong>of</strong> war. During and after World War<br />

I there was discussion <strong>of</strong> `shell shock'. The treatment then infantilized patients by<br />

removing those who could not function in combat as far from it as possible. They

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