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Fluency and Fear 29<br />
Whereas Plato approaches rhetoric from a philosophical point of view,<br />
Thucydides encounters rhetoric as an historical condition. In his History of the<br />
Peloponnesian War, he chronicles several instances of rhetoric and its uses,<br />
most notably in Pericles’ funeral oration. While in this speech Thucydides<br />
presents an almost elegiac adoration for the tradition of Athenian oratory, there<br />
are several instances in his History where Thucydides notes different views of<br />
rhetoric. The most vigorous complaint against rhetoric is voiced by Cleon in the<br />
Mytilenian Debate. Cleon accuses the Athenian polity of favoring speech over<br />
action, becoming “victims of your own pleasure in listening and. . . more like an<br />
audience sitting at the feet of a professional lecturer than a parliament discussing<br />
matters of state” (His.3.38). Like Socrates, Cleon also acknowledges that<br />
speeches are not necessarily venues for just action with regards to state affairs.<br />
In the Melian Dialogue, the conquered Melians raise an indirect criticism of<br />
rhetoric:<br />
Athenians: . . .the standard of justice depends on the equality of power to<br />
compel. . .<br />
Melians: Then in our view (since you force us to leave justice out of account<br />
and to confine ourselves to self-interest). . .in the case of all who fall into<br />
danger. . .such people should be allowed to use and to pofit by arguments that<br />
fall short of mathematical accuracy. (His.5.89-90)<br />
In connecting “the power to compel” with “argument,” the Melians suggest<br />
a strong relationship between the two. Like Medea, the Melians see the abilty to<br />
argue as critical to the “power to compel” others. Like Socrates, though, they<br />
acknowledge that such arguments do not necessarily leave room for truth or<br />
justice.<br />
However, the only complaints against rhetoric discussed thus far have been<br />
lodged by non-Athenians. Given that Thucydides was writing as an Athenian, he<br />
might actually be criticizing critiques of rhetoric. However, in the section of his<br />
History describing the end of Plataea, an Athenian presents the view that Medea<br />
and Socrates share, namely that: “[g]ood deeds do not require long statements;<br />
but when evil is done the whole art of oratory is employed as a screen for it”<br />
(His.3.67). While it is hard to discern whether Thucydides himself agrees with<br />
the various complaints the speakers raise in his History, when he attributes to<br />
Athenians and non-Athenians alike a shared distrust in rhetoric and oratory, he<br />
certainly acknowledges the ambivalent status of rhetoric within his society. On<br />
the one hand, powerful orators like Pericles serve as proud reminders of what<br />
Athens stands for, yet Athenians themselves note that words and rhetoric can be<br />
“a screen” for evil intentions.<br />
Euripides’ Medea, then, does show something about the Greeks to the<br />
Greeks, as Geertz would suggest. Among other values and attitudes certainly<br />
uncovered in his tragedy, Euripides simultaneously exposes and confirms the<br />
contradictory nature of rhetoric and the tension inherent in the very mode of<br />
communication that informed Athenian political, intellectual, and theatrical life.