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60 Amanda Earl<br />
naively believe in the magical power of bones, per se. As Barbara McCauley<br />
points out when describing the transferal of Orestes’ bones to Sparta, “it is not<br />
the bones themselves which are important so much as the fact of their possession.<br />
Once a cult has been established in the newly relocated hero’s honor, it is<br />
assumed that the hero himself will lend his support to his new worshippers”<br />
(<strong>19</strong>99: 95). Sikyon never really conquered Argos: they were rivals. But both<br />
Sparta and later Athens did gain enough political and territorial power to appropriate<br />
by their own virtue other lands’ heroes.<br />
Again a contrast is drawn between Sparta and Athens during this period.<br />
Sparta was superior to Athens in the time of Croesus, as is shown by the juxtaposition<br />
in Herodotus of Lycourgos with the rise to power of Peisistratos<br />
(Boedeker, <strong>19</strong>93: 173). This is why Croesus ultimately chooses to ally with<br />
Sparta instead of Athens to fight the Persians. It is not until after the Persian<br />
Wars and the Battle of Marathon that Athens, enjoying isonomia, will be able to<br />
appropriate a newly “democratic” hero (De Polignac, <strong>19</strong>95: 147). While the<br />
transferal of Theseus’ bones from Scyros to Athens can be seen as more<br />
imperial and aggressive than Sparta’s acquisition of Orestes’ bones, both are<br />
examples of powerful city-states acquiring renown and divine sanction because<br />
they have enough political and social organization to do so. Both also involve<br />
transcendence of the political body over the elite. De Polignac mentions<br />
Kleisthenes’ of Athens preliminary hero manipulations as a beginning of the<br />
consolidation of people-powered government in Athens. He says that:<br />
. . . the figure of the king Erechtheus and that of its political founder, Theseus,<br />
were both remodeled in conjunction with the image of the foundation of<br />
the city . . . Kleisthenes brought Erectheus ‘down’ from the acropolis into the<br />
new space shaped by isonomia by making him the eponymous founder of one<br />
of its ten tribes, and the simultaneous diffusion of representations of the cycle<br />
of myths about Theseus seems to have been inspired by the same antityrannical<br />
ideology. (De Polignac, <strong>19</strong>95: 147)<br />
Just as Sparta had embarked earlier in the sixth century on an anti-tyrannous<br />
campaign in the Pelopponese, so now Athens, as a growing imperial power is<br />
trying to assert its identity as a polis inclusive to all its citizens (though not to its<br />
kleruchies such as Scyros). “With the help of a divinely sent omen,” Kimon finally<br />
brings back the bones of Theseus to Athens by his own might and good<br />
sense when waging battle in Scyros (Plutarch in McCauley, <strong>19</strong>99: 87). And<br />
whether the oracle was faked by Kimon for his own advantage or not, the citizens<br />
of Athens were at a point where they were proud of their government, tired<br />
of being victims, and desiring to assert their authority: they needed justification<br />
and affirmation of themselves.<br />
Thus while the transferal of Theseus’ bones might have afforded Kimon<br />
political advantages through restoring pride in the government and Miltiades’<br />
victory at Marathon, there was clearly a reason why the Athenian citizens were<br />
vulnerable to such propaganda at this time. Not only did the men of Athens