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Volume 19, 2007 - Brown University

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“Meting Out” the Bones of Heroes in Ancient Greece 57<br />

three traditionally Dorian tribes and added a new “leader” tribe, the Archelaoi,<br />

in which he placed himself. Thus his actions too had weakened the aristocracy<br />

and replaced it with a more state-oriented tyranny. But his were more mocking<br />

than genuine, more selfish than revolutionary.<br />

The transferal of heroic bones involved in Kleisthenes of Sikyon’s rise to<br />

power is also portrayed by Herodotus in a way that serves to underscore and<br />

praise the eventual rise of isonomia in Athens (De Polignac, <strong>19</strong>95: 147; Boedeker,<br />

<strong>19</strong>93: 172). Because Argos was a rival of Sikyon in the time of Kleisthenes’<br />

tyranny, the tyrant not only banned from the city Homeric rhapsodes who tended<br />

to glorify Argos, but he also sought to drive out the Argive hero Adrastos from<br />

Sikyon and replace him with a borrowed hero, Melanippus of Thebes. It does<br />

not matter much that at the time Argos was promoting its Achaean history. The<br />

appropriation of a new hero was needed by Kleisthenes anyway, not only to<br />

spite the Argives, but also as affirmation for his state as a whole that the change<br />

he was bringing about was legitimate. This endeavor intended to serve two purposes:<br />

both to claim supremacy over Argos (rather than to distinguish Sikyon<br />

from Argos) and to further unify the citizenry under a new leader. But it was not<br />

one-sided, points out De Polginac, since recent discoveries in the agora of Argos<br />

point to a “heroon of the Seven against Thebes’” erected at around the same<br />

time as the activities of Kleisthenes. Thus at this time “cult warfare” was developing<br />

not simply as a conniving maneuver to be used by the arrogant tyrant, but<br />

as a legitimate currency through which to negotiate (or fight over) power relations.<br />

Yet the larger picture is the more important one: whatever Kleisthenes’<br />

personal or political motives, he had to “contrive” to secure the bones of a new<br />

hero because the endeavor was not completely legitimate according to the dominant<br />

religious authority at the time, the oracle at Delphi, and therefore<br />

according to the people (Herodotus.I.67). The oracle actually opposes the<br />

tyrant’s intention in Herodotus, and indeed a cult is never really established for<br />

Melanippus, nor do Kleisthenes’ new tribes endure long after his death. As<br />

McCauley states: “Negative responses are given, as a rule, to impious requests”<br />

(<strong>19</strong>99: 92). The historian ends the account of Sikyon by adding that the<br />

“Sikyonians” themselves (and not a specific leader) kept the names of the tribes<br />

for sixty years after the tyrant’s death and then renamed them after their old<br />

hero, Adrastus. (Herodotus.I.68) Clearly the new hero was never fully accepted<br />

into the society; the people never changed their identification from Adrastus to<br />

Melanippus and thus Kleisthenes’ actions were never fully justified. This<br />

“heroic manipulation” ultimately failed, points out Herodotus, and a similar<br />

endeavor by a specific leader does not succeed until Kleisthenes’ grandson at the<br />

end of the same century establishes “isonomia” and his city-state eventually<br />

becomes worthy in the eyes of the oracle and of Herodotus of a “democratic”<br />

hero (Theseus) and eventually an empire.<br />

The instance of the transferal of Orestes’ bones in Herodotus is most interesting<br />

when viewed, as Deborah Boedeker suggests it should be, as a means of

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