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I Chose Liberty - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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320 I <strong>Chose</strong> <strong>Liberty</strong>: Autobiographies of Contemporary Libertarians<br />

It is to be noted that this way of life was not seen to be for everyone or even for most,<br />

either by Plato or by the religious tradition. It was considered a separate way of life, with<br />

its own dangers and goods. It was not, furthermore, considered to be in principle antagonistic<br />

to the “normal” life of families or wealth production and distribution. Indeed, without<br />

the latter, without families, there could be no new members or normal way of life for<br />

monastic communities.<br />

A responsible government would allow such forms of voluntary religious life to exist<br />

on their own legal terms. The contribution of the monastic orders was seen to be measured<br />

in new ideas and initiatives that directly or indirectly benefited both its members and<br />

the public. Indeed, economic historians have seen the vows of poverty to be responsible<br />

for the initial savings, hence accumulations of wealth from which things like banking<br />

and public or religious buildings and institutions sprang. The very discovery that savings<br />

could be the foundation of wealth productivity is not unrelated to the monastic<br />

experience.<br />

I am, however, in agreement with the basic point of the Aristotelian critique of Plato’s<br />

proposals in Book V of The Republic, that we should have, for peace, justice, and philosophy,<br />

this commonality of wives, children, and property, at least in the city in speech. Aristotle,<br />

who seems to have taken Plato’s proposal as a serious one for actual polities, observed that<br />

if everyone was our parent or child, no particular person would really be adequately taken<br />

care of. He saw that good order required private property. Paradoxically, people took better<br />

care of what was theirs than what was public, no matter how noble-sounding public concern<br />

might appear. Accountability follows ownership. The general destruction of family or<br />

property did not improve but harmed human enterprise.<br />

Moreover, property made the family, in which real children with their own parents<br />

could flourish, much more possible and secure. Thus, institutions like monastic life, while<br />

they were justified if seen as something extraordinary, were not designed for everyone.<br />

Monasteries have to take special precautions that its members do not become sloppy, or<br />

neglectful, or unconcerned. Human nature remains the same and needs to be counteracted<br />

if such a life is to be possible. The point is not that it is impossible or inadvisable to live<br />

such a life, but that it is a very special and often dangerous way of life if the virtues that<br />

support it are not practiced.<br />

Thus, I think that my experience as a “practicing socialist” has been a major factor in<br />

seeing the value and worth of a private property system for most people. The great attack<br />

on this view today is, paradoxically, in the name of the poor, who generally speaking, if<br />

given a choice, want nothing better than having their own homes and families and private<br />

property. Modern ideology is often economic in nature, proposing some better way of<br />

coming to the aid of the poor. This endeavor has been the moral justification for movements<br />

from communism to liberalism. Moreover, this concern for the poor has been a major factor<br />

in pronouncements of religious leaders, including Catholic ones.<br />

Modern economic systems are generally faulted for failure to help the poor in the third<br />

world, or sometimes at home. Schemes to remedy this failure are prevalent in modern<br />

parliaments and economic discussions. The question remains, what is the best way to help<br />

the poor, as well as enhancing the growth and abundance that is necessary to manifest the

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