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I Chose Liberty - Ludwig von Mises Institute

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358 I <strong>Chose</strong> <strong>Liberty</strong>: Autobiographies of Contemporary Libertarians<br />

As the debate got under way, I found myself more and more pissed off. I was still<br />

enough of a working class New Yorker to recognize a pile-on when I saw one, and my gut<br />

instinct inclined me to the side of the underdog. Hess had the guts to appear on the podium<br />

by himself in enemy territory and subject himself to a drubbing at the hands of hostile<br />

forces, one of whom was supposed to be me. Sorry, but I was not about to play along and,<br />

instead, delivered a speech sympathetic to Karl’s position, which earned me a relieved smile<br />

from him, raucous cheers from Rothbard and his coterie, and an outraged roar from the<br />

rest of the assemblage.<br />

I was no longer a Conservative or an Objectivist. I was not a philosophical anarchist<br />

yet, but I was willing to be converted to one if that’s what it took to find a new political<br />

home. After the so-called debate, I broke bread with Murray Rothbard and company, and<br />

before long I was visiting Murray and his merry band of free-market anarchists in his apartment<br />

on the Upper Westside of Manhattan. Through Murray I was introduced to the<br />

writings of Lysander Spooner, Benjamin Tucker, and Albert Jay Nock, and I developed a<br />

deeper familiarity with Murray’s own impressive output—even at that relatively early stage<br />

of his career. Before long, Murray launched the Libertarian Forum, for which I became a<br />

kind of co-editor and regular contributor.<br />

I was not only an anarchist now, but one with a developing philosophical foundation to<br />

support my beliefs. Walter Block took one look at my thick beard and tangled hair and anointed<br />

me a “Right Wing Hippie,” even before Ayn Rand got around to popularizing the label.<br />

In addition to Murray and the literature he introduced me to, the other major intellectual<br />

influences on me at the time were Leonard Liggio and, to a lesser extent, Joe Peden. Leonard<br />

in particular was a walking encyclopedia with a detailed grasp of history, which he colored<br />

with a revisionist tinge. Following the publication of my first two books, Radical Libertarianism<br />

and It Usually Begins With Ayn Rand, liberal reviewers started referring to me as “everyone’s<br />

favorite Right Wing anarchist.” I had no problem with the description and started to fancy<br />

myself as the Right Wing answer to Hunter Thompson. My conversion to full-blown free<br />

market anarchism from Goldwater Conservatism was complete and public enough to have<br />

earned me the scorn of William F. Buckley on the op-ed page of the New York Times.<br />

My break with Murray, which came around the time of my quixotic run for governor<br />

of New York on the Free Libertarian ticket in 1974 (see my book, It STILL Begins With Ayn<br />

Rand), had more to do with differences over our respective views on Israel, and foreign<br />

policy in general, than with ideology. He was also troubled by my characterization of him<br />

in It Usually Begins With Ayn Rand. In any event, Murray and I had little contact with each<br />

other after 1975, but I will always remember him for the major impact he had on my philosophical<br />

development at a time when I was searching for a new ideological home.<br />

Over the years, my political philosophy has not changed all that much, although my<br />

tactics have. Murray, himself, rooted for Pat Buchanan in his 1992 quest for the presidency<br />

even though he never repudiated his free-market anarchism. Libertarian feminist Camille<br />

Paglia is a registered Democrat and voted for Ralph Nader in 2000. Politics, indeed, makes<br />

for strange bedfellows, and libertarians today cast their votes all over the political spectrum<br />

in elections, or vote not at all, while advocating contradictory positions on abortion and<br />

the death penalty.

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