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the development of russian military policy and finland

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Concluding Remarks · 61<br />

Russia aims to overthrow perhaps <strong>the</strong> most important achievements <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

OSCE, <strong>the</strong> commitments by <strong>the</strong> member states made in <strong>the</strong> Paris Charter<br />

(1990) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Istanbul Document (1999). 218 Russia suspended implementation<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CFE Treaty in 2007. The United States <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> UK followed suit<br />

four years later <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r NATO member states are expected to follow. 219<br />

Russia responded strongly, using <strong>the</strong> ballistic missile defence controversy as a<br />

tool. "The current political leadership can't act like Gorbachev, <strong>and</strong> it wants<br />

written obligations secured by ratification documents," Russia’s former<br />

NATO envoy, Ambassador Dmitry Rogozin said. 220<br />

The U.S. think-tank STRATFOR commented already in December 2011 as<br />

follows:<br />

For Russia, <strong>the</strong> fundamental issue at h<strong>and</strong> is not <strong>the</strong> BMD system itself, but <strong>the</strong><br />

U.S. <strong>military</strong> presence <strong>the</strong> system would bring with it. U.S. BMD plans are focused<br />

on Central Europe, which abuts Russia’s former Soviet periphery. Moscow can’t help<br />

but feel threatened by <strong>the</strong> U.S. <strong>military</strong> commitment to <strong>the</strong> region that <strong>the</strong> system<br />

represents. 221<br />

In its <strong>military</strong> doctrine, Russia considers NATO a danger. The authors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

doctrine, however, regarded NATO still a threat to Russia, even a serious<br />

threat.222 A disunited NATO, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, considers Russia a partner.<br />

The experienced Swedish Russia expert Jan Leijonhielm writes in Friends in<br />

Need:<br />

opponents ra<strong>the</strong>r than partners." Well-known Russian scientist, Dr Igor Sutyagin, who<br />

spent 11 years in prison <strong>and</strong> labour camps on dubious charges before he was released in<br />

<strong>the</strong> swap related to <strong>the</strong> exposed Russian spy ring in <strong>the</strong> USA in 2010, cited a British politician<br />

as follows: “If you want to speak about Russia, speak about it as it is, not as you want<br />

it to be.” See Sutyagin, 2012.<br />

218 Frolov, 2011. Ambassador Rogozin points out that <strong>the</strong> Treaty on Conventional Forces<br />

in Europe (CFE, 1990) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> adapted CFE Treaty (1999) were agreed upon at a time<br />

when Russia was weak <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong>y are no longer acceptable. The CFE negotiations took<br />

place in parallel with <strong>the</strong> confidence-building talks leading up to <strong>the</strong> Paris Charter <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Istanbul Document.<br />

219 Kimball, 2011. See also RIA Novosti, 25 November 2011, “UK Halts Military Data Sharing<br />

with Russia” [http://en.rian.ru/world/20111125/169036481.html].<br />

220 Isachenkov, 2011. "We won't allow <strong>the</strong>m to treat us like fools," he [Mr. Rogozin]<br />

said, <strong>and</strong> continued: "Nuclear deterrent forces aren't a joke." Mr. Rogozin was soon afterwards<br />

appointed Deputy Prime Minister. His main responsibilities are in <strong>the</strong> domain <strong>of</strong><br />

arms procurement.<br />

221 STRATFOR, 8 December 2011, “Central Europe Watches as Washington, Moscow<br />

Clash over BMD” [http://www.stratfor.com/memberships/205624/geopolitical_diary/<br />

20111207 -central-europe-watches-washington-moscow-spar-over-bmd].<br />

222 Felgenhauer, 2010.

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