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My Way_ Speeches and Poems - Charles Bernstein

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P 0 U N DAN D THE POE TRY 0 F T 0 DAY 157<br />

means thinking through the implications of poetic structures, rather than<br />

imagining them ever to be neutral or transparent. A poem including history<br />

means we must read the history too, <strong>and</strong> this history is writ in the<br />

style, in the symbolic/semiotic economy of the poem, in the material<br />

means of production, as much as in Pound's "disembodied" "ideas".<br />

Poetry is not worth reading because it is comfortable or happy or<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>able or uplifting, any more than history or philosophy is. Nor<br />

does reading for a politics of poetic form mean that forms are liberating;<br />

more often we find that, as Ray DiPalma once suggested, all forms are<br />

coercive. 1 If one starts with the assumption that a poetry should be truthful<br />

or beautiful, that its meaning should transcend the circumstances of its<br />

production-then of course talk of the politics of Pound's poetic forms will<br />

seem dismissive of Pound's work, since it pulls that work down from the<br />

heights of poetic vanity into the real-politics of the actual poem in actual<br />

history.<br />

People say, Pound was deluded, Pound was insane, Pound was paranoid,<br />

Pound was delusional, as a way to explain away, or possibly contextualize,<br />

his fascism. I don't doubt this, but it doesn't get me anywhere.<br />

Fascism itself was (Is) delusional <strong>and</strong> paranoid, <strong>and</strong> Hitler <strong>and</strong> Mussolini<br />

<strong>and</strong> Goebbels are certifiable in my book, as are the shouting Brown Shirts<br />

pictured in Triumph of the Will (don't we call this "mass hysteria"?). I agree<br />

with Pierre joris that what's important to underst<strong>and</strong> as we approach the<br />

end of this long century is the nature of this delusion, of this insanity, that<br />

has attracted so many otherwise admirable, sometimes brilliant, people,<br />

groups, indeed cultures. Of course Pound was delusional during the period<br />

of his Radio <strong>Speeches</strong>; reading Pound means reading through these<br />

delusions, trying to come to terms with them. It doesn't mean that in<br />

making these judgments one is free of one's own delusions, or that such<br />

a reading gives a complete account of his poetic works, which dem<strong>and</strong>s<br />

multiple, contradictory, readings.<br />

Pound was not just a fascist; he had different politics, <strong>and</strong> poetics, at<br />

different points in his life <strong>and</strong> even at some of the same points. Nicholls<br />

notes that from 1930 to 1937, Pound was eager to keep a dialogue open<br />

with the American left; <strong>and</strong> earlier in his life his views seemed more left<br />

than right, although, reading Nicholls, one begins to see this as much as<br />

a weakness in the left/right distinction as an inconsistency on Pound's part.<br />

Nicholls also shows that "perhaps the most disquieting thing about<br />

[Pound's] savage propag<strong>and</strong>a is that it was to some degree an extension of<br />

ideas that had governed the earlier Cantos" (156). Indeed, Nicholls's trac-<br />

1. Ray DiPalma, "Tying <strong>and</strong> Untying", in The L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E Book, ed. Bruce Andrews<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>Charles</strong> <strong>Bernstein</strong> (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1984), p. 14.

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