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The Power of Persistence: Education System ... - EQUIP123.net

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had been working as an advisor on the EQUIP2 project was brought back to the<br />

Ministry as the senior advisor. This confluence <strong>of</strong> events had two main beneficial<br />

effects: a number <strong>of</strong> people who shared both experience and vision for reform<br />

were brought together; and ERP, which had been working at both the national<br />

and governorate level on planning and vision, acquired greater access to and<br />

credibility with the senior levels <strong>of</strong> government. Over the next several years, the<br />

progress in education reform was, by any historical comparison, extraordinary.<br />

<strong>The</strong> government’s financial resource capacity and political will are generally viewed<br />

as positively related to implementing reform (i.e., greater resources lead to more<br />

extensive reform). In the case <strong>of</strong> Egypt, however, there was a negative relationship<br />

between resources and reform efforts. That is, the political will <strong>of</strong> central authorities<br />

to promote decentralization and community participation was, in part, influenced<br />

by resource limitations. Indeed, this appears to be the case in earlier years when<br />

the central authority pursued reform initiatives. 2 From the beginning <strong>of</strong> his<br />

presidency, Mubarak inherited financial challenges, which escalated by the early<br />

1990s. <strong>The</strong> Egyptian government’s financial resource capacity was enhanced,<br />

but with significant restrictions on public expenditure, when it negotiated a<br />

structural adjustment program to obtain a loan from the World Bank. <strong>The</strong>se fiscal<br />

challenges, exacerbated by an expansion <strong>of</strong> the education system, encouraged the<br />

Mubarak government to experiment with laws and pilot projects aimed toward<br />

decentralizing responsibilities (if not authority) and increasing community<br />

participation during this period. Limitations in financial resources, however,<br />

seem to be a relatively constant feature <strong>of</strong> the Egyptian scene, and thus cannot<br />

help us to understand the significant increase in efforts toward decentralization<br />

and community participation that occurred in the early years <strong>of</strong> the 21 st Century.<br />

To understand the more recent spike in government activity we need to consider<br />

another aspect <strong>of</strong> the political dimension, the role <strong>of</strong> civil society.<br />

As in the case <strong>of</strong> financial resources, one might assume a positive relationship<br />

between the degree <strong>of</strong> mobilization <strong>of</strong> civil society and the political will <strong>of</strong> central<br />

authorities to promote reform. But in the case <strong>of</strong> Egypt, the relationship is a<br />

negative one. That is, central authorities hesitated, despite financial incentives,<br />

to foster decentralization and community participation in education because<br />

the most organized and active segment <strong>of</strong> civil society were groups identified<br />

as Islamist militants, with whom the government was engaged in conflict that<br />

was <strong>of</strong>ten violent. Recall that Mubarak became president following Sadat’s<br />

assassination, and encountered an increasingly violent struggle with Islamist<br />

2 For example, the 1883 provincial councils statute, the 1939 technical zones decree, and the 1960 Local<br />

Administrative Law (see Ibrahim and Hozayn, 2006)<br />

SECTION 2: lESSONS fROM COUNTRY CASE STUdIES<br />

57

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