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PACIFIC WORLD - The Institute of Buddhist Studies

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168Pacific WorldCuriously, Tibetans like Bu-ston or ‘Gos-lo gZhon-nu-dpal have largelyrejected Pu√∂ar∆ka’s position in favor <strong>of</strong> that stated by RaviΩr∆jñåna. 57Be that as it may, there can be little question that the Ûambhala myth isclosely tied to an ideology <strong>of</strong> a <strong>Buddhist</strong> kingdom surviving the onslaughts<strong>of</strong> the Muslim armies, depicted both in the text <strong>of</strong> the received tantra andin the commentarial literature. Thus, the interest in the mythic kingdom <strong>of</strong>Ûambhala combines themes already seen about the origin <strong>of</strong> the Dharma,its demise, and (in this instance) its resurrection at the hands <strong>of</strong> thevictorious armies <strong>of</strong> the final future king <strong>of</strong> Ûambhala, Raudrakalkin. 58Orfino has pointed out that, whoever the author <strong>of</strong> the Kålacakra may havebeen, he must have had a thorough exposure to both the ideology <strong>of</strong> Islamand the violence <strong>of</strong> the Muslim armies <strong>of</strong> the day. We might observe thatresurgent Islamic threats by agressive Nak≈bandi Sufis in the Tarim Basinprobably precipitated the resurgence <strong>of</strong> the Ûambhala myth for the Mongols,resulting in the 1775 CE guidebook to the imaginary land by bLo-bzangdPla-ldan ye-shes, the Third Pa√-chen Rin-po-che. 59Even with the Ûambhala myth, the eclipse <strong>of</strong> Central Asia as a <strong>Buddhist</strong>domain was ultimately to cause its sites to become reidentified and relocatedinto South Asia, specifically Nepal. John Brough has already calledattention to the identification <strong>of</strong> Swayambh¥ with specific Khotaneselegends, and we certainly can see that the Bodhanåtha st¥pa has appropriatedTibetan legends in its search for authenticity. 60 <strong>The</strong> importance <strong>of</strong>Central Asia in all <strong>of</strong> this is, well, central, since Bodhanåth itself was olderthan Buddhism in Tibet, as our medieval Nepalese inscriptions affirm. <strong>The</strong>movement <strong>of</strong> pilgrimage sites, involving the identification <strong>of</strong> one pilgrimagesite with another by changing the names or equating their designations,is a common phenomenon in South Asia. It certainly occurred beforePu√∂ar∆ka’s time and occupied much attention in Ûåkyarak≈ita’s review <strong>of</strong>such sites, where many <strong>of</strong> the pilgrimage centers are equated to each other.<strong>The</strong> same phenomenon is visible in Southeast Asia and Tibet, which haveidentified areas with the names <strong>of</strong> important places in <strong>Buddhist</strong> India. Yetthe aura <strong>of</strong> a sanctified zone which pervades the South Asian image <strong>of</strong>Central Asia became important in the establishment <strong>of</strong> Nepalese authenticity,even with Nepal’s greater antiquity.THE WILD NORTH ON THE FRONTIERS OF REALITY<strong>The</strong> idea that a frontier area became influential on the parent civilizationhas certainly been part <strong>of</strong> the American persona since the time <strong>of</strong>Frederick Jackson Turner’s “frontier hypothesis.” In what must be thesingle most influential conference paper in the history <strong>of</strong> Americanacademia, Turner’s 1893 paper, “<strong>The</strong> Significance <strong>of</strong> the Frontier in AmericanHistory,” proposed that American values—the speedy integration <strong>of</strong>

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