Cultural attitudes and expectations regardingvirginity, marriage and family roles remain rigidin many places, reinforced by anxieties aboutfemale sexuality, power and independence andthe very real dangers girls may face (Greeneand Merrick, n.d.). As more girls stay in schoolfor longer, they are statistically more likely tomature sexually while they are enrolled; theyface risks that few schools address adequately,including sexual violence, exposure to sexuallytransmitted infections and HIV, early pregnancyand childbearing, and unsafe abortion (Lloyd2009). Of course not all <strong>of</strong> these risks are new,or occur just at school; out-<strong>of</strong>-school girls alsomarry, and continue to have children as teens ingreat number. What is new is the greater possibility<strong>of</strong> friction between the parts <strong>of</strong> girls’ rolesthat remain stable (domestic chores, expectationsabout virginity, the management <strong>of</strong> theirsexuality, and aspirations for marriage) and thosethat are changing (schooling, exposure to peers,greater mobility in some cases).Unsafe abortion is “a procedure for terminating anunintended pregnancy that is carried out either by a personlacking the necessary skills or in an environment that doesnot conform to the minimal medical standards, or both.”— <strong>World</strong> Health Organization (1992).An analysis in five African countries <strong>of</strong> theexperience <strong>of</strong> 12-to-19 year-olds who were inschool at age 12 shows that girls are less likelythan boys at every age to continue in primaryor secondary school, and less likely than boysto make the transition from primary to secondaryschool (Biddlecom et al., 2008). Girls aremuch more vulnerable to dropping out oncethey are sexually mature and once they experiencepremarital sex; early pregnancy is evenmore disastrous for girls. Some recent researchsuggests that pregnancy and early marriage aremore likely consequences rather than causes<strong>of</strong> girls failing to complete their secondaryeducation (Biddlecom et al., 2008; Lloyd andMensch, 2008).Redefining what it means to be a“real man”Like women and girls, men and boys feel socialpressures to adopt rigid ideals about how theyshould behave, feel, and interact to be consideredreal men. These ideals are learned, nota result <strong>of</strong> simply their sex (Connell, 1987;Connell, 1998). When given the opportunity tocritically reflect on these ideals, men and boyscan <strong>of</strong>ten describe the pressures they feel to bereal men—a term usually ascribed to takingrisks, enduring pain, being tough, being aprovider, and having multiple sex partners(Flood, 2007).Real men usually refers to hegemonic masculinity—theprevailing measure <strong>of</strong> masculinityby which men assess themselves and others.Dominant concepts <strong>of</strong> masculinity are complexand different across societies, influenced by severalfactors including culture, race, social class,and sexuality (Kimmel, 2000). For example, agroup with one version <strong>of</strong> masculinity withina social class or ethnic group may exert greaterpower over another, just as heterosexual masculinityis <strong>of</strong>ten dominant over homosexualand bisexual masculinity (Marsiglio, 1998). Inmany societies, hegemonic masculinity is associatedwith heterosexuality, marriage, authority,pr<strong>of</strong>essional success, ethnic dominance, and/or physical toughness (Barker, Ricardo andNascimento, 2007).Men and boys who deviate from dominantmale norms in their attitudes and behaviours aresusceptible to ridicule and criticism (Barker and44 CHAPTER 3: CHALLENGES IN EXTENDING ACCESS TO EVERYONE
Ricardo, 2005). Moreover, young and adult menwho adhere to these traditional views <strong>of</strong> manhoodare more likely to engage in riskier sexualpractices (Sonenstein, ed, 2000). Results fromthe Gender Equitable Men Scale have foundthat men who adhere to more rigid views aboutmasculinity are more likely to hold attitudes orpractice behaviours that compromise their sexualhealth and their partners’ health (Pulerwitz andBarker, 2008).Not all boys and men identify with dominantversions <strong>of</strong> masculinity within theircommunities. For example, young men <strong>of</strong>higher socioeconomic status <strong>of</strong>ten hold morepower and access to goods and opportunitiesthan young men <strong>of</strong> lower socioeconomicclasses (Barker, 2005). The evolution <strong>of</strong> whothey are within their peer groups, families, andcommunities is a dynamic process that changesover time (Connell, 1994). Men’s attitudes andexperiences, particularly the conclusions theydraw about what is socially acceptable behaviour,have implications for men’s and boys’willingness to access family planning servicesand to be active participants in planningfamilies with their partners.A global review conducted by the <strong>World</strong>Health Organization found that culturally dominantforms <strong>of</strong> masculinity, which <strong>of</strong>ten urge mento practice strict emotional control and cultivatea sense <strong>of</strong> invulnerability, serve as barriers tohealth—and health-seeking behaviour: they discouragesome men and boys from visiting healthfacilities or from supporting their partners’ health(Barker, Ricardo and Nascimento, 2007).Men <strong>of</strong>ten have no opportunity to questionthese male norms or to reflect on how theirviews <strong>of</strong> manhood affect their health and theirpartner’s health. However, tailored programmeshave demonstrated that young and adult mencan adopt equitable attitudes and behaviours—attitudes associated with better sexual andreproductive health outcomes (InternationalCenter for Research on Women and Promundo,2010; UN Women, 2008).Prevailing attitudes and norms aboutsex impede access for young people,unmarried people <strong>of</strong> all ages, men andboys and marginalized groupsSocial and cultural norms dictate who, when,with whom, and for what purpose women andmen should have sex. Sexual activity is widelyviewed as acceptable only when the “right”people engage in it under the “right” conditions.The perspectives <strong>of</strong> excluded groups are notclosely reflected in the design, implementation,and evaluation <strong>of</strong> family planning policies andprogrammes. The impediments to their accesstYoung men in Cairo'sTahrir Square.©<strong>UNFPA</strong>/Matthew CasselTHE STATE OF WORLD POPULATION <strong>2012</strong>45
- Page 6 and 7: OverviewOne hundred seventy-nine go
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tDr. BabatundeOsotimehin, Executive
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96 CHAPTER 6: MAKING THE RIGHT TO F
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When individuals are able to exerci
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Family planning programmes reinforc
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Monitoring Monitoring ICPD ICPD Goa
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Monitoring Monitoring ICPD ICPD Goa
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Monitoring Monitoring ICPD ICPD Goa
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Monitoring ICPD Goals - Selected In
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BibliographyAbbasi-Shavazi, Mohamma
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Delivering a world where every preg