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The Ethics of Banking: Conclusions from the Financial Crisis (Issues ...

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102 7 Interdependences Between <strong>Financial</strong> Markets<br />

about what o<strong>the</strong>r people will do. If an individual can be certain that o<strong>the</strong>rs will obey<br />

<strong>the</strong> rules, he or she will do <strong>the</strong> same. However, when <strong>the</strong>re is no assurance that o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />

will obey <strong>the</strong> rules, <strong>the</strong> individual will also be tempted to break <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

This positive <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> ethical economy can be applied to <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> insider<br />

trading, and can analyze it as an empirical, non-normative problem <strong>of</strong> ethics-driven<br />

social coordination. Voluntary ethical obedience to <strong>the</strong> rule on refraining <strong>from</strong><br />

insider trading will depend on expectations about <strong>the</strong> average conduct <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

finance brokers and investors. If <strong>the</strong> individual stockbroker assumes that most o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

stockbrokers are practicing insider trading, he will have very few incentives to follow<br />

<strong>the</strong> ethical rule not to engage in <strong>the</strong> practice. Pr<strong>of</strong>essional ethics, generally<br />

accepted and approved rules and customary codes <strong>of</strong> conduct in a pr<strong>of</strong>ession will<br />

give <strong>the</strong> individual some assurance that o<strong>the</strong>rs also obey <strong>the</strong> rules.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, even pr<strong>of</strong>essional ethics and pr<strong>of</strong>essional rules and standards cannot<br />

guarantee this absolutely. Pr<strong>of</strong>essional ethics and pr<strong>of</strong>essional associations are<br />

in a position to improve <strong>the</strong> standard <strong>of</strong> rule compliance, but cannot guarantee it.<br />

In situations where little control can be exercised in person and abstract contractual<br />

relationships predominate, coordination by means <strong>of</strong> ethical rules can break down<br />

and must <strong>the</strong>n be supplemented with legal rules.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> insider trading, this took place in <strong>the</strong> USA back in <strong>the</strong> 1930s.<br />

In Germany, by contrast, stock-exchange participants believed until well into <strong>the</strong><br />

1990s that <strong>the</strong> insider trading problem could be solved by <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional ethics <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> stock exchange along with voluntary restraint on <strong>the</strong> part <strong>of</strong> its participants. Only<br />

after a series <strong>of</strong> insider trading cases in Germany, and only under duress <strong>from</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

European Community, <strong>the</strong> German Bundestag passed <strong>the</strong> Second <strong>Financial</strong> Market<br />

Promotion Act, which included a ban on insider trading.<br />

<strong>The</strong> reason for this delay can partly be attributed to <strong>the</strong> lesser role that <strong>the</strong> capital<br />

market traditionally played in Germany. <strong>The</strong> American and <strong>the</strong> British stock<br />

exchanges fulfill <strong>the</strong> central task <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital market for <strong>the</strong> pension funds, which<br />

operate on <strong>the</strong> stock exchange as probably <strong>the</strong> most important institutional investors.<br />

Pension provision in Germany is organized in a completely different way. <strong>The</strong> state<br />

organizes <strong>the</strong> social insurance system itself as a pay-as-you-go system and collects<br />

<strong>the</strong> funding for old-age pensions through social insurance contributions that<br />

are adjusted to <strong>the</strong> employee’s income, i.e. by means <strong>of</strong> mandatory but individually<br />

adapted charges which are levied like a tax <strong>from</strong> members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> workforce and<br />

<strong>the</strong> firms that employ <strong>the</strong>m. This means that in Germany, <strong>the</strong> vast sums <strong>of</strong> money<br />

earmarked for old-age pensions do not reach <strong>the</strong> capital market, in contrast to Great<br />

Britain and <strong>the</strong> United States, for instance, where <strong>the</strong> pension funds are <strong>the</strong> main<br />

investors on <strong>the</strong> stock exchange. <strong>The</strong> capital market is thus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> utmost importance,<br />

not just for <strong>the</strong> private investor but also for <strong>the</strong> institutional investor acting as<br />

a pension fund or on behalf <strong>of</strong> it. 10<br />

10 RALF DAHRENDORF: “Europäisches Tagebuch (XII)” [European diary XII], Merkur, 48No.7<br />

(1994), p. 639, rightly emphasizes <strong>the</strong> differences between Germany and Great Britain in <strong>the</strong><br />

institutional organization <strong>of</strong> pension provision.

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