The Ethics of Banking: Conclusions from the Financial Crisis (Issues ...
The Ethics of Banking: Conclusions from the Financial Crisis (Issues ...
The Ethics of Banking: Conclusions from the Financial Crisis (Issues ...
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80 5 <strong>Ethics</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Market for Corporate Control<br />
identity-democratic model <strong>of</strong> republicanism, <strong>of</strong> government and <strong>of</strong> corporate governance,<br />
by contrast, assumes that <strong>the</strong> truth-generating element <strong>of</strong> political and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
governance processes lies precisely in consensus or in Rousseau’s volonté générale.<br />
<strong>The</strong> identity-philosophical interpretation <strong>of</strong> democracy as <strong>the</strong> unity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> governors<br />
and governed, which defines German and continental-European political<br />
philosophy and its understanding <strong>of</strong> government <strong>from</strong> Hegel to Habermas, is not<br />
as superior as it likes to suggest. In fact, it is founded on <strong>the</strong> questionable basic<br />
assumption that, in <strong>the</strong> same way that Hegel’s absolute subject becomes conscious<br />
<strong>of</strong> itself as an object, <strong>the</strong> people or nation becomes objective and conscious <strong>of</strong> itself<br />
in <strong>the</strong> subject-object <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state. 13 Out <strong>of</strong> this putative identity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> subject and<br />
object <strong>of</strong> power, identity-philosophical thinking concludes that <strong>the</strong> conscious selfobjectivization<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people in <strong>the</strong> state takes place in consensus, that it leads<br />
to <strong>the</strong> identity <strong>of</strong> people and state, author <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> law and addressee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> law,<br />
and that through this identity, political power is neutralized and translated into<br />
self-government.<br />
Discourse-<strong>the</strong>oretical <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> corporate governance also transfer this<br />
consensus- and identity-<strong>the</strong>oretical model <strong>of</strong> political government onto <strong>the</strong> firm<br />
and its management, and demand discourse and consensus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> corporation’s<br />
stakeholders as <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> corporate control. 14<br />
From <strong>the</strong> standpoint <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> general anthropology <strong>of</strong> human self-interest and our<br />
lack <strong>of</strong> objectivity towards ourselves, discourse <strong>the</strong>ory stops short <strong>of</strong> tackling <strong>the</strong><br />
complexity that pervades <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>of</strong> controlling power. <strong>The</strong> tendency, observable<br />
in corporatism, to agreements and coalitions among influential interests or<br />
stakeholder groups requires an emphasis on <strong>the</strong> idea that political and economic<br />
power can be controlled through competition and through extrinsic scrutiny by individuals<br />
or institutions. Hostile takeovers are one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possible control mechanisms<br />
against false forms <strong>of</strong> consensus and coalitions between management and stakeholder<br />
groups within <strong>the</strong> corporation. <strong>The</strong>y should <strong>the</strong>refore be encouraged ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than prohibited by <strong>the</strong> German law on <strong>the</strong> legal structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> firm. Greater control<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> large German corporations by <strong>the</strong> threat <strong>of</strong> takeover<br />
13 Via <strong>the</strong> transition to people’s sovereignty, it enables <strong>the</strong> national state <strong>of</strong> society according<br />
to Habermas to “influence itself” politically. Cf. JÜRGEN HABERMAS: “Die postnationale<br />
Konstellation und die Zukunft der Demokratie”, in: J. HABERMAS: Die postnationale<br />
Konstellation [<strong>The</strong> Postnational Constellation], Frankfurt am Main (Suhrkamp) 1998, p. 100.<br />
According to K. A. SCHACHTSCHNEIDER: Res publica res populi. Grundlegung einer allgemeinen<br />
Republiklehre. Ein Beitrag zur Freiheits-, Rechts-, und Staatslehre [Groundwork for a general <strong>the</strong>ory<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> republic. A contribution to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> liberty, law and statehood], Berlin (Duncker<br />
& Humblot) 1994, p. 4, <strong>the</strong> republic is founded on a “constitution free <strong>of</strong> rule or dominion”<br />
(Verfassung der Herrschaftslosigkeit).<br />
14 As argued in papers on discourse-<strong>the</strong>oretical economic and corporate ethics in <strong>the</strong> circle <strong>of</strong><br />
Horst Steinmann. Cf. ANDREAS GEORG SCHERER: Die Rolle der Multinationalen Unternehmung<br />
im Prozeß der Globalisierung [Role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multinational corporation in <strong>the</strong> globalization process],<br />
Heidelberg (Physica-Verlag) 2003 (Ethische Ökonomie. Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsethik und<br />
Wirtschaftskultur, Vol. 7).