50 • Shattering Illusions: A National Security Strategy for 2009-2017at the Landon Lecture Series, Kansas State University,” Central Intelligence Agency, April 30,2008.16 For discussions of Fourth Generation Warfare, see Thomas X. Hammes, The Sling and the Stone(St. Paul, MN: Zenith, 2004) and the various works of William S. Lind archived at http://www.dn-i.net;Martin van Creveld has stated that his notion of “non-trinitarian war,” as described inhis The Transformation of War (New York: Free Press, 1991), is essentially the same as FourthGeneration War. Theorists like John Robb are examining conflict by groups so distributed, yetnetworked, that some have proposed a “fifth generation” of war. See Robb’s book, Brave NewWar (New York: Wiley, 2007).17 Andrew J. Bacevich, “Surging to Defeat: Petraeus’s strategy only postponed the inevitable,” TheAmerican Conservative, April 21, 2008; “No US troop increase in Afghanistan without deepercuts in Iraq: Pentagon,” Agence France-Presse, May 7, 2008.18 The latest U.S. government figures are provided at http://www.treas.gov.tic/mfh.txt. They showthat, as of February 2008, China holds approximately half a trillion dollars of U.S. governmentsecurities, and the “oil exporters” (i.e. the OPEC nations and others) account for another $150billion. Some experts consider these numbers to be understated because nations can buy thesesecurities through private brokers, and many regard the size and composition of their reservesas state secrets.19 Linda J. Bilmes and Joseph E. Stiglitz, “The Iraq War Will Cost Us $3 Trillion, And Much More,”The Washington Post, March 9, 2008. Three trillion dollars roughly equals a $10,000 burden onevery man, woman and child in the United States.20 Zbigniew Brzezinski, “Terrorized by ‘war on terror’: How a three-word mantra has underminedAmerica,” The Washington Post, March 25, 2007.21 The Department of <strong>Defense</strong> recognizes the “DIMES” model: diplomacy, information, military,economic, and societal-cultural factors. Walter Pincus, “Irregular Warfare, Both Future andPresent,” The Washington Post, April 7, 2008.22 For a summary of these arguments, see Alexander Hamilton, “The Powers Necessary to theCommon <strong>Defense</strong> Further Considered,” Federalist No. 24.23 In the Civil War, more than 90 percent of the officers in the Union Army were U.S. Volunteers.Regular U.S. Army officers often got commissions in the U.S. Volunteers several grades higherthan the ones they held in the U.S. Army. When the war ended and the Volunteers went homethey would resume their U.S. Army commissions.24 From George Washington’s 1796 “Farewell Address” to the people of the United States: “Solikewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils.”25 Just to cite one example, according to the Center for <strong>Defense</strong> Information’s Military Almanac 2007,pp. 98-99, the cost of a Trident II submarine-launched ballistic missile, capable of destroyingany city on earth, is about half that of a single F-22 tactical fighter aircraft.26 This lesson took a while to sink in. Until about 1960, the United States considered “tactical”nuclear weapons as ordinary tools of war. See: Walter Pincus, “Eisenhower Advisers DiscussedUsing Nuclear Weapons in China,” The Washington Post, April 30, 2008.27 People will someday appreciate that facile phrases are a highly dangerous substitute forthought.28 Robert M. Cassidy, Counterinsurgency and the Global War on Terror (Stanford, CA: Stanford UniversityPress, 2008), 3.29 Putting the end to another facile phrase, popular on the political right, that communism was amortal threat because “no country had ever successfully thrown off communism.”30 Because the German word for “policy” can also be translated as “politics,” his formula also fits“wag the dog” wars waged for domestic political reasons.
Col. Chet Richards • 5131 For a typical list of justifications for spending 4 percent, see the Heritage Foundation’s whitepaper, “Providing for the Common <strong>Defense</strong>: Why 4 Percent?” The Heritage Foundation, April2, 2008, http://www.heritage.org/Research/Homeland<strong>Defense</strong>/wp040208.cfm32 It could be argued, interestingly enough, that by funding and arming the Sunni “Awakening” movementsin Iraq, we are siding with future insurgents against a Shi’ite government allied with Iran.33 For many years, the policy was anti-communism and today it is anti-terrorism, both leading toour identification with unpopular rulers throughout the developing world.34 With the predicted rise in Chinese and Indian energy consumption, it is likely that Asian stateswill be more dependent upon oil traveling by sea. Reasoning by analogy is often misleading, butaccess to the sea was a major cause for Japan’s entry into World War II, a fact not lost on Indiaor China, both of which maintain sizable fleets.35 Two of the best known, William S. Lind and Thomas P. M. Barnett, agree on little else and havecalled each other “evil” in print.36 China against Vietnam in 1979, and Russia (as the Soviet Union) against Afghanistan, quasiinternallyagainst Chechnya (1994 to the present), and the recent conflict with Georgia.37 National <strong>Defense</strong> Strategy, p. 22.38 The best known example is Unrestricted Warfare, by Qiao Liang and Wang Xiangsui (Beijing: PLALiterature and Arts Publishing House, February 1999), also known as the “Chinese colonel’spaper.” The fact that it was intended for the international readership should not detract fromthe validity of its message.39 Even in Vietnam, we were supported by units from Korea, Australia, New Zealand and thePhilippines.40 The many-sided nature of the fighting in Iraq and its implications are well-documented andanalyzed in Bruce R. Pirnie and Edward O’Connell, “Counterinsurgency in Iraq,” Rand CounterinsurgencyStudy 2 (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2008). The recent ineffectiveness ofmilitary force in solving what are largely political problems is documented in Patricia Sullivan,“War Aims and War Outcomes: Why Powerful States Lose Limited Wars,” Journal of ConflictResolution 51, no. 3: 496-524.41 These included democracy and freedom for the Iraqi people, defeat of Islamic terrorists in thatcountry, and of course, elimination of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction.42 “The Case for Clarity,” Economist.com, February 21, 2008.43 For a discussion on the need for coercion in maintaining modern occupations, see Martin vanCreveld, The Changing Face of War, (New York: Ballentine, 2006) and Sir Rupert Smith, The Utilityof Force.44 Today, neoconservatives are making the same argument: “Recent suggestions in Washingtonthat reductions could begin sooner or proceed more rapidly are premature.” Frederick W. Kagan,Kimberly Kagan and Jack Keane, “The New Reality in Iraq,” The Wall Street Journal, July 16,2008.45 Geoffrey Regan, Great Military Disasters. An Historical Survey of Military Incompetence, (New York:Barnes & Noble Books, 1987), 14.46 U.S. assistance in El Salvador (1981 to 1992) was limited to advice, training and financial assistance.For a detailed examination of U.S. actions in El Salvador, see: Steven Metz, CounterinsurgencyStrategy and the Phoenix of American Capability (Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute,U.S. Army War College, 1995). For an extensive discussion of counterinsurgency since the endof World War II, please refer to Chet Richards, If We Can Keep It (Washington, D.C.: Center for<strong>Defense</strong> Information, 2008), particularly Chapter 4.47 RAND, “Countering Insurgency in the Muslim World, Rethinking U.S. Priorities and Capabilities,”Research Brief, February 2008, describing the conclusions in David Gompert and John
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