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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY<br />
countries, Adnani called on them to stay where they are and conduct attacks<br />
there. Movement of IS members between provinces appears to be centrally<br />
directed for operational support purposes. A network of fishing and small boats<br />
described by Mohktar Awad, for example, connects northern Sinai to Sirte and<br />
may be used to move Islamic State Sinai leaders to Libya, possibly to consult<br />
with IS leadership there, as well as to move weapons and money to IS Sinai.<br />
In addition to IS Libya’s role in facilitation and coordination with IS elements<br />
in sub-Saharan and North Africa, IS could possibly exploit human<br />
trafficking from Libya to smuggle IS operatives into Europe. It seems more<br />
likely, however, that IS will continue to rely on European passport holders, at<br />
least for facilitation of its European networks. Despite the uptick in attacks<br />
in Europe, none appears to have ties to IS provinces, although provinces<br />
have claimed attacks in Yemen and Saudi Arabia against Shiite interests and<br />
Saudi security forces, including by terrorists against their own family members;<br />
the sabotaging of the Russian Metrojet in the Sinai; and the January<br />
2015 Corinthia Hotel attack in Tripoli, Libya, which resulted in the death of<br />
five foreigners and five Libyans.<br />
■ Staying Power of Affiliates<br />
A caliphate on the decline has a harder time directing resources to its periphery.<br />
Although there are limited signs that substantial funds, fighters, and other<br />
material support are flowing from IS core to several provinces, some groups<br />
were likely motivated to pledge allegiance to the Islamic State based on at least<br />
the perception that IS wealth and experience would be shared, if not made<br />
part of a formal quid pro quo. Therefore, some provinces may only retain<br />
their affiliation as long as resources are made available to support them.<br />
Sinai, for example, is likely in need of funding, and a number of other provinces,<br />
such as Boko Haram, benefit from media production centered in the<br />
core. Fighters who were recruited by provinces that presented themselves as<br />
alternatives to groups such as al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Yemen (al-Qaeda in the<br />
Arabian Peninsula, or AQAP) or the Taliban in the Khorasan region of Afghanistan<br />
and Pakistan might revert to their original groups. When other alternatives<br />
are presented, buyer’s remorse may take hold, as evidenced by the public<br />
rift within IS Yemen and those leaving IS Libya to rejoin Ansar al-Sharia.<br />
A renunciation of any of the eight declared provinces of its oath to the<br />
core would likely have a significant impact on the IS brand and organizational<br />
morale. In particular, the loss of its safe haven in Libya would be most<br />
devastating, as Libya has been viewed as a potential fallback were IS to lose<br />
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