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BEYOND SYRIA IRAQ

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AYMENN AL TAMIMI<br />

was destroyed, however, in June 2015 by the Mujahedin Shura Council of<br />

Darnah and Its Suburbs, which is linked to al-Qaeda; and since then, IS has<br />

been unable to reclaim a foothold in the city.<br />

Further out to the west, IS has been able to consolidate territory on the<br />

Mediterranean coastline based around the city of Sirte, which, unlike Darnah,<br />

is a true stronghold of IS, falling under its Wilayat Tarabulus (Tripoli<br />

province), while the easternmost towns on that stretch of territory are defined<br />

as part of Cyrenaica province. In part, the dominance of IS in the Sirte area<br />

originated in the defection to it of local Libya Ansar al-Sharia networks that<br />

had already been involved heavily in governance, going as far back as June<br />

2013.<br />

Considerable documentary evidence points to a sophisticated governance<br />

system in the Sirte area along the lines of what is observed in Syria and Iraq,<br />

including a functioning judiciary (Diwan al-Qada wa al-Mazalim) that deals<br />

with matters ranging from marriage contracts to real estate; an Islamic police<br />

force; a Dawa and Masajid branch responsible for outreach to the population<br />

and control of the affairs of the mosques; repentance programs and sharia<br />

sessions as part of a cooptation of local personnel structures; conciliation initiatives;<br />

and the introduction of the zakat taxation system (falling under the<br />

Diwan al-Zakat wa al-Sadaqat). The Sirte area, therefore, represents the most<br />

developed IS governance project outside of Iraq and Syria; it is thus hardly<br />

surprising that Adnani mentioned the city alongside Mosul and Raqqa<br />

in a speech released in late May 2016 that partly attempted to hit back at<br />

the coalition’s claims of progress against IS on account of territorial losses.<br />

Indeed, IS control of the Sirte area is coming into doubt in the face of rival<br />

local forces beginning to direct their efforts against it.<br />

Elsewhere in Libya, IS has found itself a military combatant in Benghazi<br />

against forces loyal to Khalifa al-Haftar, while a more covert presence was<br />

maintained in Sabratha, to the west of Tripoli city, as part of the running of<br />

a suspected training camp for militants, only to be targeted by U.S. airstrikes<br />

in February 2016. Meanwhile, the Fezzan province that represents Libya’s<br />

third major region has shown no sign of governance projects, and, as with<br />

Algeria province, information has been very sporadic.<br />

In short, IS’s ability to realize governance (tamkin) has been very limited<br />

thus far in the wider region beyond Iraq and Syria—an observation that has<br />

implications for IS’s credibility on the global stage, particularly in appealing<br />

for support from the wider jihadist movement. Since IS puts such great<br />

emphasis on being a state, the lack of success in replicating elsewhere its<br />

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