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Chapter 15<br />

The Psychopathology Of Everyday Schooling<br />

In 1909 a factory inspector did an informal survey of 500 working children in<br />

20 factories. She found that 412 of them would rather work in the terrible<br />

conditions of the factories than return to school.<br />

— Helen Todd, "Why Children Work," McClure’s Magazine (April 1913)<br />

In one experiment in Milwaukee, for example, 8,000 youth...were asked if they<br />

would return full-time to school if they were paid about the same wages as<br />

they earned at work; only 16 said they would.<br />

— David Tyack, Managers of Virtue (1982)<br />

An Arena Of Dishonesty<br />

I remember clearly the last school where I worked, on the wealthy Upper West Side of<br />

Manhattan. An attractive atmosphere of good-natured dishonesty was the lingua franca of<br />

corridor and classroom, a grace caused oddly enough by the school’s unwritten policy of cutting<br />

unruly children all the slack they could use.<br />

Student terrorists, muggers, sexual predators, and thieves, including two of my own pupils who<br />

had just robbed a neighborhood grocery of $300 and had been apprehended coming back to class,<br />

were regularly returned to their lessons after a brief lecture from the principal. All received the<br />

same mercy. There was no such thing as being held to account at my school. This behavioral<br />

strategy—leveling good, bad, ugly into one undifferentiated lumpenproletariat 1 —may seem odd<br />

or morally repugnant in conventional terms, but it constituted masterful psychological<br />

management from the perspective of enlightened pedagogy. What this policy served and served<br />

well was to prioritize order and harmony above justice or academic development.<br />

Once you know the code, the procedure is an old one. It can hardly be called radical politics<br />

except by the terminally innocent. If you spend a few hours with Erving Goffman’s work on the<br />

management of institutions, you discover that the strongest inmates in an asylum and the asylum’s<br />

management have a bond; they need each other. This isn’t cynical. It’s a price that must be paid<br />

for the benefits of mega-institutions. The vast Civil War prison camp of Andersonville couldn’t<br />

have operated without active cooperation from its more dangerous inmates; so too, Dachau; so it<br />

is in school. Erving Goffman taught us all we need to know about the real grease which makes<br />

institutional wheels turn.<br />

Table of Contents<br />

Page 347

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