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its operations. And in 1918 Carnegie endowed a meeting in London of the American Historical<br />

Association where an agreement was made to rewrite American history in the interests of social<br />

efficiency. Not all leaders were of a single mind, of course. History isn’t that simple. Beatrice<br />

Webb, for instance, declined to accept financial aid from Carnegie on her visit, calling him "a<br />

reptile" behind his back; the high-born Mrs. Webb saw through Carnegie’s pretensions, right into<br />

the merchant-ledger of his tradesman soul. But enough were of a single mind it made no practical<br />

difference.<br />

On July 4, 1919, the London Times carried a long account reporting favorably on the propaganda<br />

hydra growing in the United States, without identifying the hand of Carnegie in its fashioning.<br />

According to the paper, men "trained in the arts of creating public good will and of swaying<br />

public opinion" were broadcasting an agenda which aimed first at mobilizing world public opinion<br />

and then controlling it. The end of all this effort was already determined, said the Times—world<br />

government. As the newspaper set down the specifics in 1919, propaganda was the fuel to drive<br />

societies away from their past:<br />

Efficiently organized propaganda should mobilize the Press, the Church, the<br />

stage, and the cinema. Press into active service the whole educational systems<br />

of both countries...the homes, the universities, public and high schools, and<br />

primary schools...histories...should be revised. New books should be added,<br />

particularly to the primary schools.<br />

The same issue of the London Times carried a signed article by Owen Wister, famous author of<br />

the best-selling novel The Virginian. Wister was then on the Carnegie payroll. He pulled no<br />

punches, informing the upscale British readership, "A movement to correct the schoolbooks of the<br />

United States has been started, and it will go on."<br />

In March 1925, the Saturday Evening Post featured an article by a prominent Carnegie official<br />

who stated that to bring about the world Carnegie envisioned, "American labor will have to be<br />

reduced to the status of European labor." 7 Ten years later, on December 19, 1935, the New York<br />

American carried a long article about what it referred to as "a secret Carnegie Endowment<br />

conference" at the Westchester Country Club in Harrison, New York. Twenty-nine organizations<br />

attending each agreed to authorize a nationwide radio campaign managed and coordinated from<br />

behind the scenes, a campaign to commit the United States to a policy of internationalism. The<br />

group also agreed to present "vigorous counter-action" against those who opposed this country’s<br />

entrance into the League of Nations. Pearl Harbor was only six years away, an international<br />

showcase for globalism without peer. 8<br />

Soon after this conference, almost every school in the United States was provided with full-size<br />

color maps of the world and with League of Nations literature extolling the virtues of globalism.<br />

That’s how it was done. That’s how it still is done. Universal schooling is a permeable medium.<br />

There need not be conspiracy among its internal personnel to achieve astonishingly uniform<br />

results; multiply this tactical victory thousands of times and you get where we are. Today we call<br />

the continuation of this particular strand of leveling "multiculturalism"—even though every<br />

Table of Contents<br />

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