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The rootless people who accumulated on this once productive farmland offered little resistance to<br />

further centralization of school governance, although the farmers they replaced surely would have.<br />

As commuters, what interested them most was that schools become places of feeding, recreation,<br />

socialization, health care, and life counseling for their children. It was the Prussian formula reborn<br />

in late twentieth century America, a formula which allowed displacement of social management<br />

into the right hands. Thus is institutional schooling always more than it seems.<br />

Who Controls American Education?<br />

James Koerner was a well-known national figure in the 1960s when he headed a presidential<br />

commission looking into the causes of civil unrest after Detroit’s black riots. A former president<br />

of the Council for Basic Education, he had more than enough information and experience to write<br />

a public guide for laymen in which the players, policies, and processes of the system are laid bare.<br />

His book Who Controls American Education? was published in 1968. The area even Koerner,<br />

with his gilt-edged résumé and contacts, hesitated to tread hard in was that region of philosophy,<br />

history, principles, and goals which might uncover the belief system that really drives mass<br />

schooling. While noting accurately the "missionary zeal" of those who sell ideas in the educational<br />

marketplace and deploring what he termed the "hideous coinages" of political palaver like "key<br />

influentials," "change agents," and "demand articulators," and while even noting that experts at<br />

the Educational Testing Service "tell us that schools should seek to build a new social order and<br />

that they, the experts, know what the new order should be," Koerner carefully avoided that<br />

sensitive zone of ultimate motives—except to caution laymen to "regard with great skepticism the<br />

solutions to educational problems that may be offered with great certitude by experts."<br />

"It is not at all clear," continued the cautious Mr. Koerner, "that fundamental decisions are better<br />

made by people with postgraduate degrees than by those with undergraduate degrees, or with no<br />

degrees at all." Toward the end of his book, Koerner defined the upper echelons of school policy<br />

as "progressive, modern, life-adjustment" folk, but ducked away from explaining how people with<br />

these attitudes gained the driver’s seat in a democracy from a body politic which largely rejects<br />

those perspectives.<br />

Nor did he explain what keeps them there in the face of withering criticism. Koerner was<br />

impressed, however, with what he called "the staying power of the ancien regime" and challenged<br />

his readers to resign themselves to a long wait before they might expect the modern school<br />

establishment "to give all students a sound basic education":<br />

Anyone who thinks there [will be] a new establishment in charge of the vast<br />

industry of training and licensing teachers and administrators in this country<br />

has his head in the sand.<br />

What we miss in Koerner’s otherwise excellent manual on school politics is any speculation about<br />

Table of Contents<br />

Page 390

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