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KARL MARX

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I 4 2 <strong>KARL</strong> <strong>MARX</strong>: A BIOGRAPHY<br />

this lengthy circular condemned Kriege's ideas as 'not communism': they<br />

were 'childish and pompous' an 'imaginary and sentimental exaltation'<br />

that 'compromised the communist movement in America and demoralised<br />

the workers'. 69 There followed sections in which derision was poured on<br />

Kriege's metaphysical and religious phraseology, his use of the word 'love'<br />

thirty-five times in a single article, and his naive scheme of dividing up<br />

the soil of America equally between all citizens which aimed at 'turning<br />

all men into owners of private property'. 70 Weitling was the only member<br />

of the Correspondence Committee who voted against the circular; he left<br />

Brussels immediately for Luxembourg and then some months later moved<br />

to New York on Kriege's invitation. The circular aroused a considerable<br />

volume of protest. Hess wrote to Marx about Weitling: 'You have made<br />

him quite crazy and don't be surprised. I want to have nothing more to<br />

do with the whole business; it's enough to make one sick.' 71 And a week<br />

later he wrote that he himself wished 'to have nothing more to do with<br />

your party'. 72 The London communists also reacted strongly against the<br />

circular.<br />

This attack on Kriege was apparently only one of many such pamphlets,<br />

for Marx wrote later:<br />

We published at the same time a series of pamphlets, pardy printed,<br />

partly lithographed, in which we subjected to a merciless criticism<br />

the mixture of French-English socialism or communism and German<br />

philosophy, which at the time constituted the secret doctrine of the<br />

League. We established in its place the scientific understanding of<br />

the economic structure of bourgeois society as the only tenable theoretical<br />

foundation. We also explained in popular form that our task was not<br />

the fulfilment of some Utopian system but the conscious participation<br />

in the historical process of social revolution that was taking place before<br />

our eyes. 7 '<br />

At the same time Marx tried to forge links with Paris where the most<br />

influential socialist was Proudhon. His position as a French thinker was<br />

peculiar in that he shared the atheistic approach to communism of the<br />

German Young Hegelians and rejected the patriotic Jacobinism that made<br />

Paris so impenetrable to German ideas. In early May 1846 Marx wrote<br />

to Proudhon describing the aims of the Correspondence Committee and<br />

inviting him to act as its Paris correspondent 'since as far as France is<br />

concerned we can find no better correspondent than yourselP. 74 In a<br />

postscript Marx warned Proudhon against Grtin, whom he described as<br />

'a charlatan .. . who misuses his acquaintances'. Gigot and Engels also<br />

added postscripts saying how pleased they would be if Proudhon could<br />

accept the invitation. Proudhon's reply cannot have pleased Marx. He was<br />

willing to participate in Marx's project, but he had several reservations:

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