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KARL MARX

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SELECT CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />

194<br />

IMM ome a war of aggression as envisaged by the demand for the annexation<br />

11I Alsace and Lorraine. Borrowing from Engels' military expertise, Marx<br />

(minted out that there were no good military reasons for supposing that<br />

tin- possession of Alsace and Lorraine would enhance the safety of a<br />

united Germany and that such an annexation would only sow the seed of<br />

Iti'sh wars. With great prescience Marx continued:<br />

If the fortune of her arms, the arrogance of success, and dynastic<br />

intrigue lead Germany to a dismemberment of France, there will then<br />

only remain two courses open to her. She must at all risks become the<br />

avowed tool of Russian aggrandisement, or, after some short respite,<br />

make again ready for another 'defensive' war, not one of those newfangled<br />

'localised' wars, but a war of races - a war with the combined<br />

Slavonian and Roman races. 92<br />

And even more remarkably Marx told an emigre German communist:<br />

' l lie present war will lead to one between Germany and Russia.. .. The<br />

specific characteristics of Prussianism have never existed and can never<br />

exist other than in alliance with and submission to Russia. Moreover, this<br />

second war will bring to birth the inevitable social revolution in Russia.' 9 '<br />

Somewhat more realistically than in the First Address, Marx admitted the<br />

impotence of the working class. 'If the French workmen amid peace failed<br />

to stop the aggressor, are German workmen more likely to stop the victor<br />

amidst the clangour of arms?' 94 In spite of the dubious alliance of Orleanists<br />

and professed Republicans in the provisional Government, he continued,<br />

'any attempt to upset the new government in the present crisis,<br />

when the army is almost knocking at the doors of Paris, would be a<br />

desperate folly'. 95<br />

Following Sedan and the declaration of the Republic in France, Marx<br />

decided that the International had two immediate aims: to campaign for<br />

the recognition of the Republican Government by Britain and to prevent<br />

any revolutionary outbreak by the French working class. The first aim<br />

had widespread support among the workers in England, though Marx<br />

totally misjudged the situation when he talked of 'a powerful movement<br />

among the working class over here against Gladstone ... which will<br />

probably bring about his downfall'. 96 The General Council sent an emissary<br />

to Paris to prevent the London French committing 'stupidities there<br />

in the name of the International'; 97 and a government newspaper in Paris<br />

went as far as publishing, on the day of the proclamation of the Commune,<br />

a letter (purporting to have come from Marx but in fact a complete<br />

forgery) which urged the Parisians to abstain from all political activity<br />

and confine themselves to the social aims of the International. Marx was<br />

exceedingly scornful of Bakunin's short-lived coup in Lyons when he seized

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