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KARL MARX

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BRUSSELS 127<br />

means and small-scale experiments, rejecting political - and in particular<br />

revolutionary - action. Their Utopias, envisaged at a time when the<br />

proletariat was still underdeveloped, 'correspond with the first instinctive<br />

yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society'. 162 But at<br />

the same time these Utopian writings also contained critical elements:<br />

since they attacked every principle of existing society, they were full of<br />

insights valuable to the enlightenment of the working class. But as the<br />

modern class-struggle gathered strength, these Utopian solutions lost all<br />

practical value or theoretical justification. Thus 'although the originators<br />

of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their disciples<br />

have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects'. 165<br />

The fourth and concluding section of the Manifesto dealt with the<br />

attitude of communists to various opposition parties: in France they<br />

supported the social democrats, in Switzerland the radicals, in Poland<br />

the peasant revolutionaries, in Germany the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless in<br />

Germany they never ceased to instil into the working class the clearest<br />

possible recognition of the inherent antagonism between bourgeoisie and<br />

proletariat. The communists directed their attention chiefly to Germany,<br />

which they believed to be on the eve of a bourgeois revolution. The<br />

Manifesto ended:<br />

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly<br />

declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow<br />

of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a<br />

communistic revolution. The Proletarians have nothing to lose but<br />

their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries,<br />

unite! 164<br />

In a sense, of course, virtually all the ideas contained in the Communist<br />

Manifesto had been enunciated before - particularly among French socialists<br />

in whose tradition the Manifesto is firmly situated. 165 Babeufs ideas<br />

on revolution, Saint-Simon's periodisation of history and emphasis on<br />

industry, Considerant's Manifeste, all inspired aspects of Marx's work. And<br />

lie himself was the first to admit that the concept he began with - that<br />

of class - was used long before by French bourgeois historians. 166 But the<br />

powerful, all-embracing synthesis and the consistently materialist<br />

approach were quite new.<br />

The Manifesto was a propaganda document hurriedly issued on the eve<br />

of a revolution. Marx and Engels considered in 1872 that 'the general<br />

principles expounded in the document are on the whole as correct today<br />

as ever' though they would doubtless have modified radically some of its<br />

ideas - particularly (in the light of the Paris Commune) those relating to<br />

the proletariat's taking over of the state apparatus and the rather simplistic

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