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KARL MARX

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ILH <strong>KARL</strong> <strong>MARX</strong>: A BIOGRAPHY<br />

captured the imagination of the peasants. To the proletariat his election<br />

meant the dismissal of bourgeois republicanism and revenge for the June<br />

defeat; to the petty bourgeoisie it meant the rule of the debtor over the<br />

creditor; while to big business Napoleon presented the opportunity of<br />

ridding itself of its forced alliance with potentially progressive elements.<br />

'Thus it happened', said Marx, 'that the most simple-minded man in<br />

France acquired the most multifarious significance. Just because he was<br />

nothing, he could signify everything save himself.' 36<br />

The third and last article, written in March about the same time as<br />

the March Address and the creation of the London alliance with the<br />

Blanquists, analysed the different elements in the opposition party. Here<br />

Marx was concerned to emphasise the difference between 'petit-bourgeois'<br />

or 'doctrinaire' socialism (he had Proudhon particularly in mind) and the<br />

revolutionary socialism of Blanqui:<br />

While this Utopian, doctrinaire socialism, which subordinates the total<br />

movement to one of its moments, which puts in place of common,<br />

social production the brainwork of individual pedants and, above all, in<br />

fantasy does away with the revolutionary struggle of the classes and its<br />

requirements by small conjurers' tricks or great sentimentality; while<br />

this doctrinaire socialism, which at bottom only idealises present society,<br />

takes a picture of it without shadows and wants to achieve its ideal<br />

athwart the realities of present society; while the proletariat surrenders<br />

this socialism to the petty bourgeoisie; while the struggle of the different<br />

socialist leaders among themselves sets forth each of the so-called systems<br />

as a pretentious adherence to one of the transit points of the<br />

social revolution as against another - the proletariat rallies more and<br />

more round revolutionary socialism, round communism, for which the<br />

bourgeoisie has itself invented the name of Blanqui. This socialism is<br />

the declaration of the permanence of the revolution, the class dictatorship<br />

of the proletariat as the necessary transit point to the abolition<br />

of class distinction generally, to the abolition of all the relations of<br />

production on which they rest, to the abolition of all the social relations<br />

that correspond to these relations of production, to the revolutionising<br />

of all the ideas that result from these social relations. 37<br />

The article ended on a characteristically optimistic note by declaring<br />

the reactionary bourgeois republic to have been merely 'the hothouse of<br />

revolution'. 38<br />

This optimism was also reflected in the extended comments on current<br />

affairs written by Marx and Engels for the Revue during the first months<br />

of 1850. In France 'the strength of the revolutionary party naturally grows<br />

in proportion to the progress of reaction' and 'a hitherto politically dead<br />

class, the peasants, has been won for the revolution'. 39 As for Britain, the

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