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KARL MARX

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576 <strong>KARL</strong> <strong>MARX</strong>: A BIOGRAPHY<br />

18 April he declared that an Address to the International about the<br />

struggle in France might be appropriate; but the members of the General<br />

Council agreed that since the only information to date was based on false<br />

newspaper reports, no detailed comment was possible. Marx was very<br />

assiduous in collating different press reports, though it is a pity that he<br />

does not seem to have used The Times correspondent who was, in fact,<br />

the best placed. Marx wrote to Frankel at the end of April: 'The General<br />

Council will publish shortly an address on the Commune. It has till now<br />

postponed the publication of this because it counted from day to day on<br />

receiving more precise information from the Paris Section.'" 1 Marx had<br />

to apologise to the three subsequent meetings for not having completed<br />

the Address; at the last two sessions Engels explained Marx's absence<br />

on the grounds of ill health. However, this did not prevent Marx from<br />

telling Frankel in mid-May that he had written 'several hundred letters . ..<br />

to every corner of the world'. 112 Subsequent deadlines were again broken<br />

and the Address was not presented to the Council until 30 May, three<br />

days after the collapse of the Commune.<br />

The Address, subtitled 'The Civil War in France', that Marx did<br />

eventually present to the General Council was some forty pages long and<br />

had been preceded by at least two full-length drafts that were noticeably<br />

different. These drafts, among other things, show how little sympathy<br />

Marx had for the Jacobin violence of some of the Communards. In the<br />

first of the four sections of the final and published version, Marx analysed<br />

the Republican Government under Thiers and concluded that it was more<br />

concerned to suppress working-class activities than to defeat the Prussians,<br />

since 'Paris armed was the revolution armed', and the first priority of<br />

the so-called Government of National Defence was capitulation. Marx<br />

characterised the leading members of the Government in a series of<br />

vicious sketches. Of Jules Favre, the Foreign Minister, for example, Marx<br />

wrote:<br />

Living in concubinage with the wife of a drunkard resident in Algiers,<br />

he had, by a most daring concoction of forgeries, spread over many<br />

years, contrived to grasp, in the name of the children of his adultery,<br />

a large succession, which made him a rich man. In a lawsuit undertaken<br />

by the legitimate heirs, he only escaped exposure by the connivance of<br />

the Bonapartist tribunals. 11 '<br />

And of Thiers, the President:<br />

A master in small state roguery, a virtuoso in perjury and treason, a<br />

craftsman in all the petty stratagems, cunning devices, and base perfidies<br />

of parliamentary party-warfare; never scrupling, when out of office, to<br />

fan a revolution, and to stifle it in blood when at the helm of the state;

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