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KARL MARX

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9<br />

400 <strong>KARL</strong> <strong>MARX</strong>: A BIOGRAPHY<br />

and Eduard Bernstein, the future exponent of Revisionism and a recent<br />

convert from the ideas of Diihring to those of Marx. The Party obviously<br />

needed a rallying point: Johannes Most had begun to issue the anarchist<br />

Die Freiheit-, and Karl Hirsch, a socialist journalist living in Paris, had<br />

started a new paper called Die Laterne, published in Brussels. Hirsch was<br />

persuaded to take up the editorship of the proposed Jahrbuch, preparation<br />

of which was left to the three in Zurich: the first issue, however, contained<br />

such a quietist and reformist attitude that Marx and Engels felt bound to<br />

protest. What angered them also was the hostile attitude of the Zurich<br />

editors to Hirsch for having attacked in his paper a Social-Democrat<br />

named Kayser, who had voted in favour of protecting the German iron<br />

industry. Kayser had in fact consulted his colleagues beforehand and<br />

secured their permission to vote as he did. Marx, however, dismissed this<br />

manoeuvring as so much 'parliamentary cretinism'. 85<br />

In a long letter sent to Bebel, Liebknecht and other Party leaders,<br />

Marx and Engels summed up their grievances. They rejected the Zurich<br />

group's view that the working class was incapable of emancipating itself,<br />

that reform alone should be the aim of the Party, and that its programme<br />

should be postponed. This sort of attitude, they said, reminded them of<br />

1848; and such men were<br />

the representatives of the petty bourgeoisie .. . full of anxiety that the<br />

proletariat, under the pressure of its revolutionary position, may 'go<br />

too far'. Instead of determined political opposition, general mediation;<br />

instead of struggle against government and bourgeoisie, an attempt to<br />

win over and persuade them; instead of defiant resistance to ill-treatment<br />

from above, humble submission and confession that the punishment<br />

was deserved. Historically necessary conflicts are all interpreted<br />

as misunderstandings, and all discussion ends with the assurance that<br />

after all we are all agreed on the main point. 86<br />

It was of course necessary that the proletariat should be reinforced by<br />

bourgeois converts. But these had first of all to be able to make a valuable<br />

contribution to the proletarian cause and had secondly to abandon completely<br />

their petit-bourgeois prejudices. Marx and Engels ended:<br />

As for ourselves, in view of our whole past there is only one road open<br />

to us. For almost forty years we have stressed the class-struggle as the<br />

immediate driving power of history, and in particular the class-struggle<br />

between bourgeoisie and proletariat as the great lever of the modern<br />

social revolution; it is, therefore, impossible for us to co-operate with<br />

people who wish to expunge this class-struggle from the movement.<br />

When the International was formed we expressly formulated the battlecry:<br />

The emancipation of the working classes must be achieved by the<br />

working classes themselves. We cannot therefore co-operate with people

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