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KARL MARX

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LONDON 213<br />

bound in the long run to be opposed to those of the proletariat. Marx's<br />

advice here was this:<br />

. .. While the democratic petty-bourgeois wish to bring the revolution<br />

to a conclusion as quickly as possible, and with the achievement, at<br />

most, of the above demands, it is our interest and our task to make the<br />

revolution permanent, until all more or less possessing classes have<br />

been forced out of their position of dominance, until the proletariat<br />

has conquered state power, and the association of proletarians, not only<br />

in one country but in all the dominant countries of the world, has<br />

advanced so far that competition among the proletarians of these countries<br />

has ceased and that at least the decisive productive forces are<br />

concentrated in the hands of the proletarians."<br />

Thus the workers should initially support any bourgeois democratic<br />

revolution while retaining their independent and, if possible,<br />

armed<br />

organisation; if this revolution were successful the workers should keep<br />

up the pressure by demanding nationalisation of land and a united and<br />

highly centralised Republic. The slogan that Marx proposed at the end<br />

of the Address - 'revolution in permanence' - did not imply that he<br />

believed in an imminent proletarian revolution in Germany, though he did<br />

think it likely in France and was much more sanguine now than later<br />

about the probability of an economic crisis. At the end of the Address<br />

Marx talked of a 'lengthy revolutionary development' and gave this final<br />

advice to the German workers:<br />

... they themselves must do the utmost for their final victory by<br />

clarifying their minds as to what their class interests are, by taking up<br />

their position as an independent party as soon as possible and by not<br />

allowing themselves to be seduced for a single moment by the hypocritical<br />

phrases of the democratic petty-bourgeois into refraining from<br />

the independent organisation of the party of the proletariat. 20<br />

The Address was accepted and copied out by the Cologne group as<br />

they found no conspiratorial tendencies in it and Bauer proceeded to visit<br />

groups in all parts of Germany in a similar fashion. On his return he<br />

passed through Cologne where some criticism was expressed about the<br />

initiative taken by London, on the grounds that Marx had dissolved<br />

the League in 1848 and there had as yet been no official reconstitution.<br />

However, this was not the majority view of the Cologne group and Bauer's<br />

mission was in general deemed by the Central Committee to have been<br />

successful.<br />

The precise influence of the Communist League in Germany is difficult<br />

to assess. 21 The membership seems to have been composed mainly of<br />

middle-class intellectuals who often had a rather idealised picture of the

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