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KARL MARX

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185 <strong>KARL</strong> <strong>MARX</strong>: A BIOGRAPHY<br />

most dangerous enemy who, as the backbone of the Holy Alliance, would<br />

eventually crush any revolutionary movement unless crushed by it. Such a<br />

war would also achieve the otherwise impossible task of uniting Germany's<br />

democratic forces. A secondary consequence of a war against Russia would<br />

be the liberation of Poland which was at that time partitioned between<br />

Prussia, Russia and Austria. On the occasion of a debate in the Frankfurt<br />

Assembly on the situation in Poland, Engels published the longest series<br />

of articles ever to appear in the paper. Their message was: 'The division<br />

that the three powers have effected in Poland is the band that holds them<br />

together; their common plunder has created their common solidarity. ..<br />

the creation of a democratic Poland is the first condition for the creation<br />

of a democratic Germany.' 37<br />

The remaining important issue of Prussian foreign policy was the<br />

notoriously complicated question of Schleswig-Holstein, two duchies<br />

whose loyalties were divided between Prussia and Denmark. The Danish<br />

King, largely supported by the bourgeoisie of Schleswig-Holstein, was<br />

making strenuous efforts to imbue them with a Scandinavian spirit, while<br />

the nobles felt more sympathetic to Germany. The Prussian military<br />

forces were, of course, vastly superior, but Denmark was supported diplomatically<br />

by Britain and Russia, and Prussia was forced to sign the armistice<br />

of Malmo at the end of August. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung, through<br />

the pen of Engels, was quite clear about the issue. Scandinavianism was<br />

merely 'enthusiasm for a brutal, dirty, piratical Old-Nordic nationality<br />

which is incapable of expressing its profound thoughts and feelings in<br />

words, but certainly can in deeds, namely, in brutality towards women,<br />

perpetual drunkenness and alternate tear-sodden sentimentality and berserk<br />

fury'. 38<br />

In addition to editing the newspaper, Marx also found time to be active<br />

in local politics. In mid-June a large congress with delegates from almost<br />

a hundred democratic organisations met in Frankfurt; it urged a national<br />

organisation of democratic unions and created a central committee in<br />

Berlin, of which Kriege, Ruge and Weitling were members. The national<br />

organisation never got off the ground, but the congress bore fruit in the<br />

Rhineland where the three main Cologne organisations - the Workers'<br />

Association, the Democratic Society and the Union of Employees and<br />

F.mployers - decided to co-operate. The delegate of the Workers' Association<br />

at the Frankfurt Congress had been Gottschalk who had created<br />

the impression of a man 'made to be dictator, with an energy of iron and<br />

an intelligence as sharp as any guillotine: a living portrait of Robespierre'.<br />

39 Gottschalk wanted a fusion of the three bodies which would<br />

have made his Workers' Association dominant; the Democratic Society<br />

suggested a steering committee. But before anything was decided the

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