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KARL MARX

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45 2 <strong>KARL</strong> <strong>MARX</strong>: A BIOGRAPHY<br />

Engels, 'I was obliged to accept into the preamble of the Statutes two<br />

phrases on "duty" and "right", and also on "truth, morality and justice";<br />

but they are so placed that they cannot do harm.' 15 The General Committee<br />

then approved the Preamble, Address and Rules, though not without<br />

amendment: that Marx was not able to get his way completely is shown<br />

by the passage of a motion that his term 'profit-mongers' be deleted.<br />

The Address, a piece of writing skilfully adapted to his audience, was<br />

produced within a week and included material that later appeared in<br />

Capital. Marx wrote to Engels: 'It was very difficult to arrange the thing<br />

in such a way that our view appeared in a form that made it acceptable<br />

to the present standpoint of the workers' movement. It will take time<br />

before the reawakening of the movement allows the plain speaking of the<br />

past. We must act fortiter in re, suaviter in modo (strong in content, soft<br />

in form)." 6 Thus, in contrast to the Communist Manifesto, there were no<br />

sweeping generalisations or appeals to revolutionary action. The Address<br />

began with the statement that 'It is a great fact that the misery of the<br />

working masses has not diminished from 1848 to 1864', 17 and proceeded<br />

to document this statement with quotations from official British publications<br />

describing the poverty that contrasted so glaringly with the optimistic<br />

pronouncements of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the<br />

country's increasing wealth. Marx's reason for dwelling on England at<br />

length was the apparently rather naive view that 'with appropriate changes<br />

in local colour and scale, the English facts reproduce themselves in all<br />

the industrial and progressive countries of the Continent'. 18 Although, he<br />

admitted, 'a minority of the working class have obtained increases in their<br />

real wages', yet 'since 1848 the great mass of the working classes have<br />

been sinking down to a lower depth at the same rate at least as those<br />

above them have been rising in the social scale'. 19 His conclusion was:<br />

In all countries of Europe it has become a truth demonstrable to every<br />

unprejudiced mind, and only denied by those whose interest it is to<br />

hedge other people in a fool's paradise, that no improvement of machinery,<br />

no application of science to production, no contrivance of communication,<br />

no new colonies, no emigration, no opening of markets,<br />

no free trade, nor all these things put together, will do away with the<br />

miseries of the industrial masses; but that, on the present false basis,<br />

every fresh development of the productive powers of labour must tend<br />

to sharpen social contrasts and accentuate social antagonisms. 20<br />

This is one of the clearest formulations of Marx's doctrine of relative<br />

pauperisation. It is paradoxical that in England the International chiefly<br />

helped to benefit the better-off workers and thus served to increase the<br />

very disparity Marx mentioned. 21

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