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CEPAL Review no. 124

April 2018

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<strong>CEPAL</strong> <strong>Review</strong> N° <strong>124</strong> • April 2018<br />

9<br />

global inequality trends are useful for analysing the predictive power of certain theories. For example,<br />

neoclassical growth theory predicts that incomes will converge in the long run between countries, and<br />

even between individuals, whereas dependency theory predicts divergence.<br />

Before pursuing the analysis, it is important to distinguish between the different concepts of global<br />

inequality that are discussed in the literature, to understand their implications and uses. Mila<strong>no</strong>vic (2005)<br />

and Anand and Segal (2008) define four concepts of inequality worldwide, based on the elements<br />

considered: the units of analysis (countries or persons), the unit of measurement (total, per capita or<br />

household income), and the weighting of the countries (uniform or by population or income).<br />

In “concept zero”, inequality between countries is addressed by ranking countries according to<br />

their total income, with each country given the same weight. This concept is the most appropriate for<br />

analysing issues of geopolitics and access to markets. In “concept one”, inequality between countries<br />

is estimated considering the per capita income of each country, again weighted equally. This can be<br />

used to assess the empirical validity of the convergence or divergence postulated by the different growth<br />

models. Neither of these two concepts will be used in the analysis presented below. In “concept two”,<br />

inequality among all individuals in the world is considered by assuming that their income is the per capita<br />

income of their country. This concept is k<strong>no</strong>wn as inequality between countries and can be obtained<br />

in the same way as “concept one”, but in this case weighting countries by population size. In “concept<br />

three”, which is adopted in the analysis discussed below, inequality between individuals is measured by<br />

considering the per capita income of the household to which they belong. This measure is the global<br />

analogue of the distribution generally used to measure inequality within countries; in other words, it is<br />

equivalent to assuming that there are <strong>no</strong> borders. In the remainder of this section, references to global<br />

inequality refer to this latter indicator.<br />

Several recent articles have analysed this concept of global inequality and its evolution; and three<br />

of them share methodological criteria that make comparison possible. Unfortunately, as they are based<br />

on data from household surveys, the oldest calculations only go back as far as the 1980s. These are<br />

the studies by Lakner and Mila<strong>no</strong>vic (2016), Niño-Zarazúa, Roope and Tarp (2014), and Anand and<br />

Segal (2015), whose systematization provides an updated pa<strong>no</strong>rama of the state of the art in the subject. 1<br />

These studies use data from each country’s household surveys to estimate its income distribution profile<br />

and average income. Income distribution quantiles (generally ventiles) are considered for each country;<br />

average per capita income is attributed to each quantile, and a database is constructed of the quantiles<br />

of the different countries of the world. 2 To make the incomes comparable, they are converted into a<br />

common format, using purchasing power parity (PPP) indices. 3<br />

An initial result that is common to all three studies is that global inequality is very high —comparable<br />

to that of the most unequal countries in the world, if <strong>no</strong>t higher. Table 1 shows that the global Gini index<br />

varies between 67 and 72.2, depending on the year and the estimate considered. There are <strong>no</strong> major<br />

movements in the indicator during the period considered: the three studies analysed find variations<br />

of around 2 points over a period of two decades. These authors <strong>no</strong>te that the differences are small<br />

e<strong>no</strong>ugh to suspect that they are <strong>no</strong>t statistically significant; and what stands out is the stability of the<br />

measurement. 4 An update of Lakner and Mila<strong>no</strong>vic (2016) incorporates data up to 2011 and concludes<br />

that the global Gini index has dropped sharply in recent years to reach a level of 64 (Mila<strong>no</strong>vic, 2016).<br />

1<br />

Anand and Segal (2008) review previous studies on the subject and also discuss Bourguig<strong>no</strong>n (2015), which is <strong>no</strong>t reviewed<br />

here since it makes different methodological choices that do <strong>no</strong>t allow comparison with the other results. In particular, in<br />

Bourguig<strong>no</strong>n (2015) the per capita-income data obtained from household surveys is rescaled to coincide on average with the<br />

per capita income reported in the national accounts.<br />

2<br />

In the referenced studies, population coverage exceeds 90% of the world population in the most recent years, but there are<br />

major gaps in the earlier period, when household survey data was <strong>no</strong>t generalized in all countries.<br />

3<br />

In all three cases, the data are expressed in 2005 dollars using the World Bank conversion factor.<br />

4<br />

Since surveys from different sources using different sampling methodologies are considered, the standard errors of the global<br />

measurement can<strong>no</strong>t be calculated.<br />

Verónica Amarante and Maira Colacce

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