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Deep Work_ Rules for focused success in a distracted world ( PDFDrive.com )

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sign <strong>in</strong> enough throughout the day. She was, <strong>in</strong> some sense, punish<strong>in</strong>g her employees<br />

<strong>for</strong> not spend<strong>in</strong>g more time check<strong>in</strong>g e-mail (one of the primary reasons to log <strong>in</strong> to the<br />

servers). “If you’re not visibly busy,” she signaled, “I’ll assume you’re not<br />

productive.”<br />

Viewed objectively, however, this concept is anachronistic. Knowledge work is<br />

not an assembly l<strong>in</strong>e, and extract<strong>in</strong>g value from <strong>in</strong><strong>for</strong>mation is an activity that’s often at<br />

odds with busyness, not supported by it. Remember, <strong>for</strong> example, Adam Grant, the<br />

academic from our last chapter who became the youngest full professor at Wharton by<br />

repeatedly shutt<strong>in</strong>g himself off from the outside <strong>world</strong> to concentrate on writ<strong>in</strong>g. Such<br />

behavior is the opposite of be<strong>in</strong>g publicly busy. If Grant worked <strong>for</strong> Yahoo, Marissa<br />

Mayer might have fired him. But this deep strategy turned out to produce a massive<br />

amount of value.<br />

We could, of course, elim<strong>in</strong>ate this anachronistic <strong>com</strong>mitment to busyness if we<br />

could easily demonstrate its negative impact on the bottom l<strong>in</strong>e, but the metric black<br />

hole enters the scene at this po<strong>in</strong>t and prevents such clarity. This potent mixture of job<br />

ambiguity and lack of metrics to measure the effectiveness of different strategies<br />

allows behavior that can seem ridiculous when viewed objectively to thrive <strong>in</strong> the<br />

<strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly bewilder<strong>in</strong>g psychic landscape of our daily work.<br />

As we’ll see next, however, even those who have a clear understand<strong>in</strong>g of what it<br />

means to succeed <strong>in</strong> their knowledge work job can still be lured away from depth. All<br />

it takes is an ideology seductive enough to conv<strong>in</strong>ce you to discard <strong>com</strong>mon sense.<br />

The Cult of the Internet<br />

Consider Alissa Rub<strong>in</strong>. She’s the New York Times ’ bureau chief <strong>in</strong> Paris. Be<strong>for</strong>e that<br />

she was the bureau chief <strong>in</strong> Kabul, Afghanistan, where she reported from the front<br />

l<strong>in</strong>es on the postwar reconstruction. Around the time I was writ<strong>in</strong>g this chapter, she<br />

was publish<strong>in</strong>g a series of hard-hitt<strong>in</strong>g articles that looked at the French government’s<br />

<strong>com</strong>plicity <strong>in</strong> the Rwandan genocide. Rub<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong> other words, is a serious journalist<br />

who is good at her craft. She also, at what I can only assume is the persistent urg<strong>in</strong>g of<br />

her employer, tweets.<br />

Rub<strong>in</strong>’s Twitter profile reveals a steady and somewhat desultory str<strong>in</strong>g of<br />

missives, one every two to four days, as if Rub<strong>in</strong> receives a regular notice from the<br />

Times’ social media desk (a real th<strong>in</strong>g) rem<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g her to appease her followers. With<br />

few exceptions, the tweets simply mention an article she recently read and liked.<br />

Rub<strong>in</strong> is a reporter, not a media personality. Her value to her paper is her ability to

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