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The Break up <strong>of</strong> Czechoslovakia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Genesis<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Transfer<br />

among <strong>the</strong> German <strong>inhabitants</strong> only a<br />

few remnants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> potential socialdemocrat<br />

<strong>and</strong> communist enemies could<br />

mobilise <strong>the</strong>mselves, <strong>and</strong> even <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>y<br />

were fairly easy to keep an eye on <strong>and</strong><br />

isolate <strong>and</strong> moreover <strong>the</strong>y had no<br />

support among <strong>the</strong> rising generation.<br />

Among <strong>the</strong> remainder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German<br />

population <strong>the</strong>re were no expressions <strong>of</strong><br />

opposition, except for individual<br />

complaints about <strong>the</strong> supply <strong>of</strong> goods or<br />

about various restrictions in social <strong>and</strong><br />

public life.<br />

The possibility <strong>of</strong> developing more<br />

ambitious forms <strong>of</strong> resistance was limited<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Sudetengau not only by <strong>the</strong> ethnic<br />

situation but also by <strong>the</strong> geographic<br />

conditions, because <strong>the</strong> mountainous<br />

<strong>and</strong> forested areas were populated almost<br />

exclusively by Germans. The only<br />

exception was a sm<strong>all</strong>er area in <strong>the</strong> east<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-c<strong>all</strong>ed Sudetenl<strong>and</strong>, but even<br />

<strong>the</strong>re <strong>the</strong> main part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Jeseník massif<br />

was largely impenetrable by <strong>the</strong> Czechs.<br />

The situation was different in <strong>the</strong><br />

region’s economic life as <strong>the</strong> labour force<br />

included more <strong>and</strong> more Czechs, which<br />

provided greater scope for <strong>the</strong> antifascists<br />

to engage sabotage that was hard<br />

to detect although it was fairly restricted<br />

because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constant surveillance by<br />

<strong>the</strong> Nazis <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> great risks involved.<br />

After June 1941 <strong>the</strong> main support in<br />

<strong>the</strong> occupied border areas for <strong>the</strong> antifascist<br />

resistance was undoubtedly in<br />

areas with a majority Czech population<br />

or those territorial units that were<br />

ethnic<strong>all</strong>y mixed <strong>and</strong> Czech patriots<br />

could join up with German anti-fascists<br />

<strong>and</strong> foreign labourers <strong>and</strong> prisoners<br />

herded into <strong>the</strong> border areas.<br />

Concentration-camp inmates in general<br />

had no chance <strong>of</strong> assisting <strong>the</strong> resistance<br />

beyond <strong>the</strong> barbed wire. After <strong>the</strong> Soviet<br />

Union’s entry into <strong>the</strong> war <strong>the</strong> resistance<br />

movements in <strong>the</strong> areas that were<br />

predominantly or at least partly Czech,<br />

i.e. <strong>the</strong> districts <strong>of</strong> Most, Jilemnice,<br />

Český Dub <strong>and</strong> particularly <strong>the</strong> “eastern<br />

Sudetenl<strong>and</strong>”, tried to move from more<br />

or less spontaneous <strong>and</strong> local forms <strong>of</strong><br />

opposition, to more extensive, organised<br />

<strong>and</strong> active levels <strong>of</strong> resistance activity.<br />

Significantly, in those areas <strong>the</strong><br />

153<br />

Chapter IV<br />

resistance workers from different social<br />

strata <strong>and</strong> political <strong>and</strong> ideological<br />

persuasions were more closely <strong>and</strong><br />

effectively linked, or more precisely in<br />

many illegal organisations those currents<br />

started to cryst<strong>all</strong>ise, although <strong>the</strong><br />

common interest <strong>of</strong> <strong>all</strong> was <strong>the</strong> nation’s<br />

freedom.<br />

Anti-fascist resistance was most<br />

extensive in <strong>the</strong> “eastern Sudetenl<strong>and</strong>”,<br />

where relatively <strong>the</strong>re were most Czechs<br />

(over 20%) <strong>and</strong> several fairly contiguous<br />

<strong>and</strong> predominantly Czech zones. It was<br />

also typical <strong>of</strong> those zones that if an<br />

illegal organisation was wound up,<br />

ano<strong>the</strong>r would be created fairly soon<br />

afterwards to continue <strong>the</strong> resistance<br />

activity. In <strong>the</strong> Czech areas it was much<br />

easier to distinguish between anti-Nazi<br />

attitudes that were common to <strong>the</strong><br />

absolute majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Czech<br />

population <strong>and</strong> genuine, active<br />

resistance.<br />

A propos political conditions in <strong>the</strong><br />

Reichsgau Sudetenl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

development <strong>of</strong> resistance activity <strong>the</strong>re,<br />

<strong>the</strong> impetus provided by <strong>the</strong> Slovak<br />

national uprising from August to October<br />

1944 constitutes an interesting, albeit not<br />

particularly important chapter. The<br />

uprising boosted <strong>the</strong> morale <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Czechs<br />

in general <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Czechs in <strong>the</strong><br />

“Sudetenl<strong>and</strong>” in particular, which<br />

perturbed <strong>the</strong> Sudeten-German<br />

population <strong>and</strong> above <strong>all</strong> <strong>the</strong> two chief<br />

protagonists <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> “Czech zone” – <strong>the</strong><br />

Gauleiter Konrad Henlein <strong>and</strong><br />

K.H.Frank, who, from <strong>the</strong> spring <strong>of</strong> 1944,<br />

was <strong>the</strong> supreme comm<strong>and</strong>er <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> SS<br />

<strong>and</strong> police <strong>and</strong> Minister <strong>of</strong> State for<br />

Bohemia <strong>and</strong> Moravia. However, <strong>the</strong><br />

fronts were still too remote <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

resistance movements both in <strong>the</strong><br />

Protectorate <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sudetengau (here<br />

both Czech <strong>and</strong> German) were too weak<br />

for that impetus to be used to any great<br />

effect. None<strong>the</strong>less here <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re it did<br />

help to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> resistance<br />

movement in political <strong>and</strong> practical terms,<br />

particularly in terms <strong>of</strong> an expansion <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> partisan movement, which paid <strong>of</strong>f in<br />

<strong>the</strong> spring <strong>of</strong> 1945, in those areas where it<br />

managed to survive <strong>the</strong> German counter<strong>of</strong>fensive<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> previous winter.

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