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Chapter III<br />

Agrarians’ leader Rudolf Beran or <strong>the</strong><br />

banker Jaroslav Preiss strove in vain to<br />

reach agreement with <strong>the</strong> SdP <strong>and</strong><br />

Germany. A memor<strong>and</strong>um from <strong>the</strong><br />

Czechoslovak Communist Party to <strong>the</strong><br />

government in November 1936, c<strong>all</strong>ing<br />

for an urgent solution to <strong>the</strong> problems<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German people, was rejected, as<br />

<strong>the</strong>re was a prevailing distrust <strong>of</strong> that<br />

party, which prior to <strong>the</strong> 7 th Congress<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Comintern in 1934 had<br />

championed <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> national<br />

self-determination even when it would<br />

mean secession. And last but not least,<br />

a major obstacle was <strong>the</strong> sluggishness<br />

<strong>and</strong> inflexibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Czechoslovak<br />

party <strong>and</strong> coalition system – albeit<br />

typical <strong>of</strong> European democratic<br />

systems <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> day – which made it<br />

difficult to react effectively to <strong>the</strong><br />

quickly evolving situation.<br />

Contrary to <strong>the</strong> currently widespread<br />

– <strong>and</strong> widely propagated – view, it was<br />

<strong>the</strong> President <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic, Edvard<br />

Beneš <strong>and</strong> politicians close to him who<br />

adopted a realistic approach <strong>and</strong> put<br />

forward acceptable solutions. Beneš<br />

believed <strong>the</strong> administrative reform <strong>of</strong><br />

Czechs <strong>and</strong> Germans in a Democratic<br />

Czechoslovakia, 1918-1938<br />

96<br />

1927 had been a mistake. In its place he<br />

proposed <strong>the</strong> decentralisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

country’s administration <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

introduction <strong>of</strong> genuine regional selfgovernment.<br />

A proposal even emerged<br />

from Beneš’s circle for <strong>the</strong> recognition<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Germans as a second Staatnation.<br />

The same idea was expressed in <strong>the</strong><br />

1934 manifesto “What do <strong>the</strong> Socialists<br />

want?”, which inspired <strong>the</strong> “We Will<br />

Remain Loyal” petition group prior to<br />

A march by <strong>the</strong> “Republikanische Wehr” with Czechoslovak flags after swearing <strong>all</strong>egiance<br />

to <strong>the</strong> Czechoslovak Republic in Ústí nad Labem in 1937.<br />

Munich. What Beneš did resist at <strong>all</strong><br />

costs was <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> granting territorial<br />

autonomy for <strong>the</strong> German <strong>and</strong><br />

Hungarian territories. In <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> his<br />

experience in <strong>the</strong> early days <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

republic, he saw two kinds <strong>of</strong> danger in<br />

such a move. From <strong>the</strong> territorial point<br />

<strong>of</strong> view, <strong>the</strong> danger was that those<br />

entities could not be effectively<br />

administered because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

geographical location, nor could <strong>the</strong>y be<br />

precisely defined. In national terms, <strong>the</strong><br />

risk was that “The Czechs <strong>and</strong> Slovaks<br />

could never have <strong>the</strong> certainty that such<br />

a unit would not break away at <strong>the</strong> first<br />

possible opportunity <strong>and</strong> that that<br />

breakaway would be always being

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