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Chapter IV<br />

The attitudes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German<br />

population <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sudetengau<br />

In <strong>the</strong> brief history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sudetengau <strong>the</strong><br />

mapping <strong>of</strong> this aspect is <strong>of</strong> fundamental<br />

importance in analysing <strong>the</strong> extent to<br />

which <strong>the</strong> Sudeten Germans were<br />

capable <strong>of</strong> reflecting on <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />

history, as well as assessing <strong>the</strong>ir role in<br />

<strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> Czechoslovakia, <strong>the</strong><br />

unleashing <strong>of</strong> World War II <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

contribution towards <strong>the</strong> German<br />

debacle that emerged from it, not to<br />

mention <strong>the</strong>ir role as architects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

own fate.<br />

Attitudes among <strong>the</strong> Sudeten<br />

Germans can be said to have undergone<br />

a three-phase evolution. In <strong>the</strong> first<br />

phase <strong>the</strong> basic pattern <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir attitudes<br />

started to take shape <strong>and</strong> only varied<br />

slightly in <strong>the</strong> subsequent phases. That<br />

phase was characterised by <strong>the</strong> attitude<br />

to <strong>the</strong> Sudeten Germans own part in <strong>the</strong><br />

break up <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Czechoslovak Republic<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir enormous enthusiasm over<br />

annexation by <strong>the</strong> German Reich, which<br />

<strong>the</strong>y interpret as <strong>the</strong>ir great national<br />

victory, emphasising <strong>the</strong>ir own subjective<br />

contribution to <strong>the</strong> culmination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

ideal <strong>of</strong> a Greater German Reich. That<br />

state <strong>of</strong> mind is proved not only by <strong>the</strong><br />

unbounded enthusiasm <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir welcome<br />

for <strong>the</strong> invading Wehrmacht <strong>and</strong> above<br />

<strong>all</strong> for <strong>the</strong> great leader Hitler <strong>and</strong> his<br />

local subordinates.<br />

The initial euphoria is also indicated<br />

by various important social phenomena,<br />

above <strong>all</strong> <strong>the</strong> interest in membership <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> Nazi party, which gave rise to<br />

relatively <strong>the</strong> largest regional party<br />

organisation in <strong>the</strong> entire state, so much<br />

so that <strong>the</strong> Reich was obliged to regulate<br />

it. The same applied to membership <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> SA divisions; in that case <strong>the</strong><br />

regional group was <strong>the</strong> largest in <strong>the</strong><br />

entire Greater German Reich. It was<br />

very much <strong>the</strong> same with o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

organisations. The motivation for this<br />

movement towards <strong>the</strong> NSDAP <strong>and</strong> its<br />

affiliated organisations was undoubtedly<br />

<strong>the</strong> initial euphoria at “liberation”<br />

mentioned earlier. Soon o<strong>the</strong>r more<br />

materialistic considerations came into<br />

play: using membership as a way <strong>of</strong><br />

advancing up <strong>the</strong> social ladder in <strong>the</strong> new<br />

The Break up <strong>of</strong> Czechoslovakia <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Genesis<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Transfer<br />

154<br />

regime <strong>and</strong> achieving a place among <strong>the</strong><br />

power elite in <strong>the</strong> highest, or at least <strong>the</strong><br />

lower echelons, an elite which was well<br />

remunerated <strong>and</strong> had hopes <strong>of</strong> avoiding<br />

service in <strong>the</strong> front line in <strong>the</strong> impending<br />

war that soon broke out. Admittedly<br />

<strong>the</strong>re some resentment was voiced when<br />

<strong>the</strong> careers <strong>of</strong> Sudeten Germans were<br />

jeopardised by <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />

from <strong>the</strong> Reich. But those were about<br />

<strong>the</strong> only grumbles in <strong>the</strong> initial phase.<br />

A significant indication <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

attitudes <strong>of</strong> society was provided by <strong>the</strong><br />

aforementioned by-elections <strong>of</strong> Sudeten-<br />

German deputies to <strong>the</strong> Reichstag held<br />

on December 4, 1938. The question is<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten raised in connection with <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

results as to whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Sudeten<br />

Germans re<strong>all</strong>y did vote for National<br />

Socialism. The point is that <strong>the</strong> (blank)<br />

b<strong>all</strong>ot papers for <strong>the</strong> Germans actu<strong>all</strong>y<br />

had printed on <strong>the</strong>m, “Do you support<br />

our leader Adolf Hitler, <strong>the</strong> liberator <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> Sudetenl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> give your vote for<br />

<strong>the</strong> election platform <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> German<br />

National Socialist Party.” The election<br />

speeches <strong>of</strong> Goebbels, Henlein <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

leaders also presented <strong>the</strong> issue in those<br />

terms. And <strong>the</strong> entire ideological<br />

election propag<strong>and</strong>a <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> hyperfestive<br />

<strong>and</strong> bombastic choreography <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> elections encouraged <strong>the</strong> voters to<br />

view <strong>the</strong>ir vote in that manner. At <strong>the</strong><br />

same time Henlein announced a<br />

conciliatory attitude towards those who<br />

had previously been “in error”, who were<br />

ready to perceive <strong>and</strong> acknowledge <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

error. In addition <strong>the</strong> positive economic<br />

<strong>and</strong> social achievements in <strong>the</strong> first phase<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> incorporation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> border areas<br />

into <strong>the</strong> Reich helped to win support for<br />

Hitler’s regime.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less <strong>the</strong> objection is voiced<br />

that not everyone voted for national<br />

socialism, that what was decisive among<br />

part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sudeten-German population<br />

was <strong>the</strong> national victory in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> break away from <strong>the</strong> Czechoslovak<br />

Republic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> “return” to <strong>the</strong> larger<br />

German family.<br />

Without acknowledging or<br />

underestimating that factor in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong><br />

a certain, albeit unascertainable,<br />

percentage <strong>of</strong> Sudeten-German voters,

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